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U.S. Department of Justice

Drug Enforcement Administration

U.S. DRUG THREAT ASSESSMENT: 1993

DRUG INTELLIGENCE REPORT

Availability, Price, Purity, Use, and Trafficking of Drugs in the United

States

SEPTEMBER 1993

DEA-93042

EXECUTIVE ASSESSMENT

COCAINE

Availability/Price/Purity

In 1992, domestic cocaine prices fluctuated as successful law

enforcement operations led to a short-term (3-month) impact on cocaine

trafficking from South America. During April through June 1992,

shortages of wholesale quantities of cocaine resulted in an increase in

the kilogram price in many major U.S. metropolitan areas. Throughout the

remainder of the year, however, cocaine was readily available as

kilogram prices in virtually all major metropolitan areas returned to

lower levels. Preliminary data for early 1993 indicate that kilogram

prices remain at low levels.

Nationwide purity of cocaine at the kilogram, ounce, and gram levels

averaged 83, 74, and 64 percent, respectively, during 1992 compared to

86, 72, and 59 percent, respectively, during 1991. A temporary decline

in purity at all levels of the traffic was noted during July through

September 1992. However, by year's end, purity at all levels had once

again increased.

Use

Regarding the use of cocaine, the National Household Survey on Drug

Abuse for 1992 indicated that the number of past-year and past-month

users of cocaine has decreased significantly since 1985. Nevertheless,

frequent or more intense use of cocaine has not shown a statistically

significant change during the past several years.

According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse,

cocaine use continued to decline among high school seniors and 10th

graders. Among 8th graders, however, survey data indicated increased use

of cocaine.

Reporting from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) shows that the

estimated number of nationwide cocaine-related emergency room episodes,

which had been increasing at a fairly constant rate from the early-to-

late 1980s, declined significantly from FY 1989 to FY 1990. During the

latter half of FY 1991, however, the number of episodes increased once

again and appears to have stabilized at high levels since that time.

Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the smoking of cocaine continues

to be the predominant route of administration used by patients admitted

to DAWN emergency rooms for cocaine-related problems. The percentage of

patients who indicated that smoking was their primary method of

administration increased from 34.3 percent during FY 1989 to 41.4

percent in FY 1992.

Rates of cocaine use detected through urinalysis testing of recently

booked male and females arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use

Forecasting Program (DUF), remained high in many major U.S. cities in

1992. In fact, rates of cocaine use during the past year were

substantially higher than those for opiate and marijuana use.

Trafficking

Since early 1992, DEA field divisions have increasingly cited Central

American countries as transshipment points for U.S.-bound cocaine

shipments. Reporting indicates cocaine is transported from source

countries to Central American countries by land, air, and sea

conveyances. From Central America, cocaine shipments are transported to

the United States by land, sea, and air directly or

through Mexico.

Cocaine traffickers, perceiving enhanced law enforcement activity along

the United States-Mexican border and in the western Caribbean, have

subsequently diversified their smuggling routes into the United States.

DEA field divisions report that cocaine traffickers are increasingly

using routes employed four to six years ago. This diversification

includes greater use of the eastern Caribbean and the eastern Bahamas as

well as increased importation into the eastern United States.

The use of maritime containerized cargo to smuggle bulk quantities of

cocaine into the United States continues to challenge U.S. Government

drug interdiction efforts. Many DEA field divisions report the use of

cargo containers to conceal and transport cocaine among legitimate

goods. Additionally, cocaine trafficking organizations continue to use

maritime vessels such as pleasure craft and fishing vessels to smuggle

cocaine from source countries into the United States. Moreover,

traffickers utilize low-profile vessels designed to elude radar

detection for smuggling cocaine into Puerto Rico.

Several DEA field divisions report cocaine trafficking organizations

have increased their use of airdrop operations. Cocaine traffickers are

airdropping cocaine shipments in the Caribbean and off the coast of, as

well as within, Central America and Southern Mexico. Additionally, South

American cocaine traffickers have acquired several large cargo aircraft,

thereby increasing cargo capacity while overcoming the limited flight

range of smaller aircraft.

U.S. law enforcement efforts along the United States-Mexican border

continue to force regional cocaine traffickers to alter their

operations. DEA and U.S. Border Patrol seizures since early 1992

indicate that cocaine traffickers have decreased the average size of

cocaine shipments and shifted transportation routes to less trafficked

ports of entry. For example, in response to an enhanced law enforcement

presence in southern California, traffickers are increasingly using U.S.

ports of entry as far east as McAllen, Texas, to transport cocaine to

California.

Domestic Distribution

The primary domestic importation points for cocaine remain Arizona,

southern California, south Florida, and Texas. The principal cities

utilized by Colombian cartels for distributing bulk quantities of

cocaine include Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York City.

Within the United States, cocaine traffickers continue to use commercial

and private vehicles, trains, airlines, and the postal service to

transport cocaine. Concealed compartments within vehicles are commonly

cited by DEA field divisions. Moreover, cocaine traffickers using

tractor-trailers frequently secrete cocaine in hidden compartments and

among legitimate produce. Extensive use of commercial trucks to

transport cocaine from the Los Angeles metropolitan area to destinations

throughout the United States occurred during the past year.

The Cali Cartel's method of operation in the United States remains

highly sophisticated and compartmentalized. U.S. bases of operation are

comprised of multiple cells operating within major metropolitan areas

including Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia,

and San Francisco. The operators of these cells receive orders directly

from top-level cartel managers in Colombia, and operate independently of

other cells within the same metropolitan area. The operators utilize the

latest technology, such as computers, pagers, facsimile machines, etc.,

in their daily operations. Cellular telephones are often bought in bulk

quantities and then discarded after being used for several months or

less in order to thwart law enforcement telephone intercept efforts.

In general, the Medellin Cartel's method of operation in the United

States is not as compartmentalized as that of the Cali Cartel. The drug

trafficking groups which comprise the Medellin Cartel employ a group

decision-making process at the top level as opposed to a hierarchical

decision-making process employed by the Cali Cartel. At the lower

levels, Medellin-related trafficking groups are not as restricted as

those associated with the Cali Cartel regarding the variety of

distributors with whom they transact business.

Hispanic trafficking organizations, particularly Colombian and Mexican,

continue to dominate wholesale cocaine trafficking and distribution

within the United States. A greater diversity, however, has become

involved in these activities at all levels of the domestic traffic since

early 1992.

During 1992, four cocaine conversion laboratories were seized within the

United States, two in New York City, one in California, and one in

Florida. To date in 1993, one cocaine base conversion laboratory was

seized within the United States in Hurleyville, New York.

CRACK COCAINE

Availability/Price/Purity

Crack continues to be readily available in virtually every major city

and, to a somewhat lesser extent, many small towns and rural areas in

the United States. Crack manufacturing and distribution have reached a

saturation point in the larger metropolitan areas.

The national price for a rock or vial of crack ranges from as low as $2

to as high as $75, but generally sells for $10 to $50, depending upon

the size, normally 1/10 to 1/2 gram. Gram prices range from $45 to $150.

Ounce-quantities can be purchased for $475 to $2,500. When available in

kilogram quantities, crack prices are comparable to those for kilogram

quantities of cocaine hydrochloride, ranging from $17,000 to $35,000.

Analysis of crack samples by DEA laboratories during the mid-to-late

1980's revealed that retail purity was consistently high, averaging 80-

plus percent. Although current retail purity remains approximately at

that level, sellers in some areas of the country are selling poor-

quality crack. Adulterants are increasingly being added to increase the

weight or size of the crack dosage unit.

Use

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 showed that the

number of lifetime, past-year, and past-month users of crack declined

significantly from 1991 to 1992. Survey data indicate that 314,000

Americans used crack during the past month and over 805,000 used it

during the

past year.

According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse,

lifetime use of crack among seniors declined from 1991 to 1992; however,

past-year, past-month, and daily use of crack by this group remained

relatively stable during that period. Nevertheless, overall frequency of

crack use among high school seniors has decreased substantially since

1987.

Reporting from DAWN indicates that smoking is the predominant route of

cocaine administration used by patients admitted to DAWN emergency rooms

for cocaine-related problems.

Trafficking

The higher levels of crack trafficking are controlled by many small (up

to 10 members) and mid-sized (10 to 40 members) trafficking

organizations consisting of bands of individuals from distinct ethnic

groups. The main participants involved in wholesale crack trafficking

are Los Angeles-based street gangs, Jamaican posses,

and Haitian and Dominican groups.

Saturated markets, low prices, violent competition, and effective law

enforcement pressure in major urban areas have forced some crack

trafficking organizations to develop new markets. These organizations

are moving to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas across the nation,

creating many problems for local law enforcement and civic authorities.

The largest and more advanced organizations are crisscrossing the nation

in this effort, with the Jamaican posses moving generally westward and

the Crips and Bloods expanding eastward.

HEROIN

Availability/Price/Purity

Within the United States, heroin is readily available in all the major

metropolitan areas having user populations. During 1992 and the first

few months of 1993, there was an increase in purity at the retail level,

and increased supplies available from Southwest Asia. (Note that high-

purity heroin has been imported from Colombia in increasing quantities

in the past year. This heroin from Colombia, which underwent signature

analysis prior to DEA's development of a South American heroin signature

in July 1993, was analyzed as having a Southwest Asian (SWA) signature.

As a result, it may account in part for both the increased purity and

quantity of SWA heroin available in the United States.)

Data from DEA's Domestic Monitor Program indicate the 1992 nationwide

average heroin purity at the retail (street) level was 37 percent,

considerably higher than the average purity of 26.6 percent recorded in

1991. Heroin purity at the street level was generally highest in the

northeastern United States, where a large percentage of the nation's

user population lives.

According to DEA's Heroin Signature Program (HSP), Southeast Asian (SEA)

heroin was the predominant type of heroin available in the United States

for the fifth year in a row, accounting for 44 percent of the HSP

samples analyzed in FA 1992 and 58 percent of the total net weight of

these samples. U.S. airports, particularly New York's JFK International

Airport, are primary entry points for heroin destined for the U.S.

market, based on seizures analyzed through the HSP. The nationwide

average net weight of airport seizures was almost 800 grams and the

average purity of heroin seized at these airports was 73 percent.

Use

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 indicated a

decrease in the number of past-year heroin users. Survey data show that

the number of Americans 12 years of age or older who have used heroin at

least once in the past year declined from 381,000 in 1991 to 323,000 in

1992. During that same time frame, however, the number of past-month

heroin users increased from 83,000 to 107,000. (Estimates of heroin use

from the Household Survey are considered very conservative due to the

probable under-coverage of the population of heroin users.)

According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse,

heroin use increased among high school seniors. The survey revealed that

1.2 percent of the seniors in the class of 1992 had used heroin at least

once in their lifetime, up from 0.9 percent in the class of 1991, yet

still below the peak of 1.3 percent reported in the classes of 1989 and

1990.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of nationwide

heroin-related emergency room episodes, which had been fluctuating

somewhat during the past several years, increased substantially from the

first to the second half of FY 1992. During that period, the number of

heroin-related episodes rose from 18,192 to 24,593, an increase of 35

percent. Cities showing substantive increases during the latter half of

FY 1992 in the number of heroin-related emergency room episodes included

Baltimore, Boston, Los Angeles, New York City, and Seattle.

Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the injection of heroin

continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients

admitted to emergency rooms for heroin-related problems. However, the

percentage of patients who indicated that injection was their primary

route of administration has decreased from 79.1 percent in FY 1989 to

73.9 percent in FY 1992. During this same period, there was an increase

in the percentage of patients who snorted heroin. Those who snorted

heroin rose from 4.8 percent in FY 1989 to 8.8 percent in FY 1992.

Rates of opiate use (to include heroin) detected through urinalysis

testing of recently booked male and female arrestees, as reported by the

Drug Use Forecasting Program, remained relatively low and stable in 1992

when compared to rates for cocaine and marijuana.

Trafficking

Major SEA heroin trafficking organizations, often under the control of

Sino-Thai and Chinese criminal groups, oversee the smuggling of SEA

heroin into the United States, particularly New York City, and are

primarily responsible for smuggling the largest bulk shipments,

generally in the multihundred-kilogram range. The largest shipments are

secreted in containerized freight aboard commercial maritime vessels and

air freight cargo. Smaller shipments are smuggled in the luggage of

airline passengers, strapped to the body, or swallowed.

In addition to Chinese and Sino-Thai traffickers, Nigerians remain

deeply entrenched in the smuggling of SEA heroin. Nigerian traffickers

rely primarily on dispatching large numbers of internal body couriers

traveling aboard commercial airlines bound for the United States. As a

result of enforcement pressure, Nigerians continue to recruit other

ethnic groups, including other West Africans, Europeans, and American

citizens, as heroin couriers.

Importation and distribution of SWA heroin is much less centralized than

that for SEA heroin, both geographically and in regard to trafficking

groups. Most SWA heroin trafficking groups in the United States are

highly cohesive and difficult to penetrate because they are based on

ethnic, familial, and tribal relationships. As a result, SWA heroin

trafficking and distribution are generally more prevalent in cities

having large populations from Afghanistan, Greece, Lebanon, Pakistan,

and Turkey, such as Chicago, Detroit, and New York.

Mexican heroin is produced almost exclusively for the U.S. heroin

market. The smuggling and distribution of Mexican heroin to and within

the United States is controlled by organizations composed of Mexican

nationals and Mexican Americans. Mexican trafficking organizations are

often made up of family members, lifelong friends, and other trusted

associates.

The availability of heroin from Colombia increased in the United States

during the latter half of 1992 and early 1993, according to seizure

analysis and investigative reporting. At present, Colombian heroin

traffickers are attempting to establish distribution outlets in the

United States, particularly in the metropolitan areas of the northeast

and, as a result, are smuggling a heroin of very high purity, generally

80-plus percent. According to the El Paso Intelligence Center, the

number of Colombian couriers who were arrested on commercial airlines

carrying heroin into the United States increased from 41 in 1991 to over

260 in 1992, with most of these arrests occurring at either Miami or New

York's international airports.

CANNABIS

Availability/Price/Potency

Marijuana, a Schedule I controlled substance and by-product of the

Cannabis sativa L. plant, remained the most commonly used illegal drug

in the United States during 1992. Both the cannabis plant and delta-9

tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the plant's primary psychoactive chemical,

are controlled substances.

According to DEA reporting, 34 percent of a non-sinsemilla plant

contains usable material (the leaf and bud components) and 58 percent of

a sinsemilla plant contains usable material. The yield of a cannabis

plant is determined by its diameter and the density of the grow area.

The lower the plant density of the grow area, the higher the yield of

usable material. The average plant yield for mature, domestically grown

sinsemilla is approximately 1.25 pounds per plant. The average plant

yield for mature, domestically grown commercial grade marijuana is

approximately three-quarters of one pound per plant.

Marijuana prices have increased substantially over the past decade.

Commercial grade marijuana prices rose from $350 to $600 per pound 10

years ago to $300 to $3,000 per pound in 1992. Sinsemilla prices rose

from $1,000 to $2,000 per pound 10 years ago to $650 to $9,600 per pound

in 1992. Law enforcement efforts have forced some cultivators indoors to

avoid detection. Indoor growers cultivate higher potency sinsemilla

marijuana, which permits them to charge higher prices. Scarcity caused

by law enforcement operations also has increased prices.

Domestic cultivation trends of significance in recent years include

cultivator efforts to enhance the potency of marijuana by using

advanced agronomic techniques. As a result, the average THC content of

marijuana has risen considerably in the last ten years. Furthermore,

record-high THC contents were reported in 1992 and 1993. These record-

high THC contents are an indicator of the continuing trend by indoor

growers to produce higher potency marijuana.

According to the 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse,

approximately 67.5 million Americans have tried marijuana at least once

in their lifetime compared to 61.9 million in 1985. Nevertheless, survey

data indicate that the frequency of marijuana use has declined

substantially from 1985 to 1992. Overall, past-year, past-month, and

past-week use of the drug nave diminished by nearly 45 percent during

that period

According to the National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, the long-

term decline in the use of marijuana among 12th graders continued in

1992. However, there was also a decrease in the proportion of 12th

graders who believed there was "great risk" associated with regular

marijuana use, possibly presaging a reversal of the downward use

pattern. In addition, among 8th graders, lifetime, past-year, and past-

month use of marijuana marginally increased from 1991 to 1992. Moreover,

8th graders in the class of 1992 were less likely to view marijuana use

as dangerous compared to 8th graders in the class of 1991. Also, the

proportion of 8th graders who personally disapproved of marijuana use

declined from 1991 to 1992. These shifts in perception may explain the

increased use of marijuana among 8th graders.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area

marijuana-related emergency room episodes, which had declined from FY

1989 to FY 1991, increased once again during FY 1992. The large

majority, approximately 80 percent, of patients treated for cannabis-

related hospital emergencies use marijuana with other substances.

Patients use marijuana most frequently with alcohol and cocaine.

Marijuana use detected through urinalysis testing of recently booked

male and female arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use Forecasting

Program, increased significantly in many major U.S. cities in 1992.

Trafficking

Mexico accounted for most of the foreign marijuana available in the

United States during 1992. Colombia ranked as a distant second as a

foreign source of marijuana. Commencing in early 1992, Jamaican

traffickers increased marijuana shipments to the United States.

DEA, in conjunction with Federal and State law enforcement agencies,

conducted an aggressive cannabis eradication program in 1992. The effort

resulted in the eradication of millions of cannabis plants, the arrest

of thousands of violators, the forfeiture of millions of dollars in

assets, and the seizure of several thousand weapons. Moreover, the

number of indoor growing operations seized in 1992 (3,849) reached an

all-time high. The movement toward indoor production is believed due

primarily to successful law enforcement efforts to curtail outdoor

cultivation.

The five major cultivated cannabis-producing States in 1992 were

Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, and Hawaii, respectively. These

five States accounted for approximately 44 percent of the cultivated

cannabis eradicated during 1992.

METHAMPHETAMINE

Availability/Price/Purity

Methamphetamine is the most prevalent clandestinely manufactured

controlled substance in the United States. Availability is concentrated

primarily in the western and southwestern United States where most

clandestine methamphetamine manufacture occurs.

The price of methamphetamine at the wholesale (pound) level has remained

relatively constant during the past four years. Currently,

methamphetamine prices range from $5,000 to $22,000 per pound, $300 to

$2,500 per ounce, and $45 to $200 per gram.

Nationwide purity of methamphetamine at the ounce and gram levels

averaged 46 and 53 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to 35

and 34 percent, respectively, during 1991. (Pound purity levels are

unavailable due to infrequency of purchases at that level.)

Use

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1991 showed that an

estimated 5.2 million Americans, 12 years of age and older, have used

methamphetamine at least once in their lifetime. (Survey data for prior

years are unavailable. Survey data for 1992 are not yet available.)

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area

methamphetamine-related emergency room episodes decreased at a

relatively steady rate from the first half of FY 1989 through the first

half of FY 1992. However, this downward trend reversed itself during the

latter half of FY 1992. During the second half of FY 1992, there was a

52-percent increase in the number of emergency room episodes involving

methamphetamine.

DAWN emergency room data also indicate that methamphetamine abuse is

concentrated in the metropolitan areas of San Diego, San Francisco, and

Los Angeles. In San Diego and Los Angeles, methamphetamine-related

hospital emergencies increased sharply during the latter half of 1992.

Illicit Manufacture

According to DEA reporting, 288 domestic methamphetamine laboratories

were seized during 1992, accounting for 87 percent of all clandestine

dangerous drug laboratory seizures. The 1992 figure represents a nine-

percent decrease from the previous year's total of 315 laboratories

seized and continues the downward trend in laboratory seizures, which

began in 1990.

The main reason for the decrease in laboratory seizures is the ongoing

enforcement of Federal and State chemical-control legislation. The 1988

Chemical Diversion and Trafficking Act (CDTA) became effective in 1989,

and enables the Federal Government to regulate listed essential

chemicals used in the clandestine synthesis of dangerous drugs. Over the

past three years, most States have passed legislation similar to the

CDTA.

Approximately 83 percent of the methamphetamine laboratory seizures

during 1992 occurred in the DEA Dallas, Denver, Los Angeles, Phoenix,

San Diego, San Francisco, and Seattle, Field Divisions. This clearly

indicates that the manufacture of methamphetamine is still based

primarily in the western and southwestern United States.

Manufacturing/Distribution Organizations

Throughout the United States, numerous individuals, groups, and

organizations-from independent entrepreneurs and outlaw motorcycle gangs

to Mexican poly-drug trafficking organizations-currently manufacture and

distribute methamphetamine. (Although late arrivals in the

methamphetamine arena, Mexican traffickers are capable of using their

high-volume production methods and large-scale distribution networks to

substantially increase the drug's availability in the United States. For

this reason, domestic law enforcement considers the Mexican poly-drug

traffickers involvement in methamphetamine a significant threat.)

Chemical Diversion

Chemical control legislation enacted at the Federal and State level has

made it increasingly difficult for laboratory operators to obtain needed

chemicals. Consequently, trafficking organizations have been forced to

seek new sources and develop ways in which to circumvent the law.

LSD

Availability/Price/Purity

Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) availability has increased in the last

two to three years and it is available in at least retail quantities in

virtually every State in the United States. The sources of supply for

most of the LSD available in the United States are located in the

northern California area.

LSD is relatively inexpensive with an average street dosage unit or

"hit" costing approximately five dollars, and often as little as one or

two dollars. Retail-level doses are seen primarily in blotter paper

form.

Currently, LSD potency or strength, which ranges from 20 to 80

micrograms per dosage unit, is considerably below levels reported during

the 1960s and early 1970s when potency ranged from 100 to 200 micrograms

(or higher) per dosage unit.

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1991 estimated that 11.8

million Americans 12 years of age or older have used LSD at least once

in their lifetime compared to 8.4 million in 1985. (Survey data for 1992

are not yet available.)

According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, current

(monthly) use of LSD among 10th and 12th grade students remained

relatively stable from 1991 to 1992. Among 8th graders, however, current

use of LSD increased during that same time frame from 0.6 percent to 0.9

percent. Moreover, past-year use of LSD rose in all three grade levels

from 1991 to 1992. In fact, past-year use of LSD among seniors in the

class of 1992 increased to the highest level since at least 1985.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of nationwide LSD-

related hospital emergency room episodes increased from FY 1989 to FY

1990. Although abuse patterns have been somewhat erratic since that

period, the current number of LSD-related episodes remain above those

reported during FY 1989.

Illicit Manufacture

An increasing number of individuals are attempting to manufacture LSD.

Many of these individuals are not associated with the traditional

northern California groups that are believed to have produced most of

the LSD available in the United States since the late 1960s.

Distribution

At the wholesale production and distribution level, LSD remains tightly

controlled by California-based organizations, which have operated with

relative impunity for over two decades. Mid-level distribution networks

in the United States are generally comprised of young adults who have

known each other through long years of association and common interests.

Public and private mail systems appear to be the primary means used for

the transportation and distribution of retail and wholesale quantities

of LSD.

A total of six clandestine synthesis LSD laboratories have been seized

since 1981; however, these were all seized prior to 1987.

PCP

Availability/Price

Phencyclidine, commonly referred to as PCP, is available in varying

degrees in a limited number of U.S. cities. During 1992, PCP in liquid

form, the most common form available in the United States, sold for $150

to $1,000 per ounce nationally. The lowest liquid ounce prices were

reported in Los Angeles, the source for most of the PCP trafficked in

the United States.

PCP enjoyed a brief popularity in the late 1960's and again from the

mid-to- late 1970's. In 1978, PCP was transferred from Schedule III to

Schedule II of the Controlled Substances Act, thus classifying it as a

drug with a high potential for abuse. From the period 1981 through 1985,

abuse of the drug escalated significantly, particularly among persons

under the age of 21. Around 1986, and continuing through the late 1980's

and early 1990's, demand for PCP was displaced in large measure by the

widespread availability and use of crack cocaine. More recently,

however, there are indications that PCP abuse is increasing once again

in a number of cities.

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse showed that lifetime and

past-year PCP use among the U.S. household population decreased from

1985 to 1990; however, 1991 and 1992 survey data indicate an end to this

downward use pattern. On the other hand, according to the 1992 National

High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, PCP use among 12th graders has

declined significantly during the past seven years. This diminished use

is believed due in large part to a significant increase among 12th

graders in the perceived risk of harm associated with PCP usage.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan-area

PCP-related emergency room episodes, which had been declining at a

substantial rate during the past three years, rose from 1,353 during the

first half of FY 1992 to 2,380 during the second half of FY 1992, a more

than 75-percent increase. Cities having high or increased PCP abuse

rates during the second half of FY 1992 included Baltimore, Chicago, Los

Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington,

D.C.

Trafficking and Illicit Manufacture

Reporting indicates that the majority of the nation's PCP supply is

manufactured and distributed by Los Angeles-based street gangs. While

buses, trains, and airlines are used to transport PCP from California

sources of supply, private automobiles are believed to be the primary

means for transporting PCP across the country.

Four PCP laboratories were seized in 1992 compared to three in 1991. No

PCP laboratories have been seized thus far in 1993. PCP laboratory

seizures since the mid-1980's have ranged from three to 21 per year,

totals which are considerably less than the high of 79 reported in 1978.

COCAINE

AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY

In 1992, domestic cocaine prices fluctuated due to successful domestic

and international law enforcement operations, which caused a short-term

(3-month) impact on cocaine trafficking from South America. Following a

period of adjustment, cocaine traffickers once again found the means to

facilitate the shipment of multiton quantities of cocaine to the United

States. In 1992, cocaine prices ranged from $11,000 to $42,000 per

kilogram nationally in comparison to 1991 prices, which ranged from

$11,000 to $40,000 per kilogram nationally. During April through June

1992, shortages of wholesale quantities of cocaine resulted in an

increase in the kilogram price in many major U.S. metropolitan areas.

Throughout the remainder of the year, however, cocaine was readily

available as kilogram prices in virtually all major metropolitan areas

returned to lower levels. Preliminary data for early 1993 indicate that

kilogram prices remain at low levels.

Nationwide purity of cocaine at the kilogram, ounce, and gram levels

averaged 83, 74, and 64 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to

86, 72, and 59 percent, respectively, during 1991. A temporary decline

in purity at all levels of the traffic was noted during July through

September 1992; however, by year's end, purity at all levels had

increased once again.

Nationwide purity of cocaine at the kilogram, ounce, and gram levels

averaged 83, 74, and 64 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to

86, 72, and 59 percent, respectively, during 1991. A temporary decline

in purity at all levels of the traffic was noted during July through

September 1992; however, by year's end, purity at all levels had

increased once again.

USE

The 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (see appendix) showed

that the number of past-year and past-month users of cocaine has

decreased significantly since the peak year of 1985. During 1992, five

million Americans 12 years of age and older had used cocaine in the past

year compared to 12.2 million in 1985. In 1992, 1.3 million had used

cocaine in the past month compared to 5.8 million in 1985. Nevertheless,

frequent or more intense use of cocaine has not shown statistically

significant change during the past several years. Among the five million

people who used cocaine in the past year, 642,000 used it once a week or

more in 1992 compared to 625,000 in 1991 and 662,00 in 1990.

The survey also showed that approximately 80 percent of past-month

cocaine users were young adults ages 18 to 34 in 1992. As in the past,

the rate of past-month cocaine use in 1992 was highest among young

adults 18 to 25 years old (1.8 percent of the U.S. population) and ages

26 to 34 years (1.4 percent of the U.S. population). The past-month

cocaine prevalence rate for the 12- to 17-year-old age group has

decreased from 1.1 percent of the U.S. population in 1988 to 0.3 percent

in 1992. Similarly, the 18- to 25-year-old age group has experienced

dramatic decreases in prevalence from 4.5 percent of the U.S. population

in 1988 to 1.8 percent in 1992. For the 26- to 34-year-old age group,

the rate has declined from 2.6 percent to 1.4 percent. The rate for

persons aged 35 and older has shown variability, but remained virtually

unchanged since 1988 (0.3 percent of the U.S. population and 0.2 percent

in 1992). Lastly, the prevalence rate of past-month cocaine use among

the total U.S. population was estimated at 0.6 percent in 1992 compared

to 1.5 percent in 1988 and 0.9 percent in 1991.

According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug

Abuse(see appendix for additional survey information), cocaine use

continued to decline among high school seniors. Survey results showed

6.1 percent of seniors in the class of 1992 said they had used cocaine

at least once in their lifetime, down from 7.8 percent in the class of

1991 and down from a peak of 17.3 percent in the class of 1985. Among

10th graders, lifetime cocaine use decreased from 4.1 percent in 1991 to

3.3 percent in 1992. Among 8th graders, however, lifetime use of cocaine

increased from 2.3 percent in 1991 to 2.9 percent in 1992, and past-year

use increased from 1.1 percent to 1.5 percent.

Other findings from the survey indicate that fewer 8th graders in 1992

associated great risk of harm with occasional cocaine or crack cocaine

use than did 8th graders in 1991. There was also a decrease in the

proportion of 10th graders saying there is great risk of harm with

occasional cocaine use.

Reporting from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) (see appendix for

further information on DAWN) shows that the estimated number of

nationwide cocaine-related emergency room episodes, which had been

increasing at a fairly constant rate from the early-to-late 1980's,

declined significantly from FY 1989 to FY 1990. During the latter half

of FY 1991, however, the number of episodes increased once again and

appears to have stabilized at high levels since that time. A number of

drug epidemiologists and treatment specialists believe a possible

explanation for this trend reversal is that many hard-core cocaine users

are now experiencing the consequences of long-term addiction. As a

result, an increasing number of users are seeking public medical

assistance.

Reporting from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) (see appendix for

further information on DAWN) shows that the estimated number of

nationwide cocaine-related emergency room episodes, which had been

increasing at a fairly constant rate from the early-to-late 1980's,

declined significantly from FY 1989 to FY 1990. During the latter half

of FY 1991, however, the number of episodes increased once again and

appears to have stabilized at high levels since that time. A number of

drug epidemiologists and treatment specialists believe a possible

explanation for this trend reversal is that many hard-core cocaine users

are now experiencing the consequences of long-term addiction. As a

result, an increasing number of users are seeking public medical

assistance.

Nationwide, during the fourth quarter of FY 1992, approximately one in

four(28.3%) emergency room drug abuse episodes involved cocaine.

Metropolitan areas having a significantly higher proportion of drug

emergencies involving cocaine include: Baltimore (63.5%), Atlanta

(56.3%), Philadelphia (54.1%), New Orleans (48.2%), Chicago (46.7%), New

York (46.3%), Newark (44.2%), Detroit (41.4%), Miami (39.1%),

Washington, D.C. (37.5%), St. Louis (36.0%), and Boston (34.8%).

Reporting from DAWN also indicates that smoking continues to be the

predominant route of administration used by patients admitted to DAWN

emergency rooms for cocaine-related problems. The percentage of patients

who indicated that smoking was their primary method of administration

increased from 34.3 percent during FY 1989 to 41.4 percent in FY 1992.

During the same time frame, there was a decrease in the percentage of

patients who injected or snorted cocaine. Those who injected or snorted

cocaine decreased from 22.0 percent and 14.0 percent, respectively,

during FY 1989, to 20.2 percent and 11.1 percent, respectively, during

FY 1992.

Rates of cocaine use detected through urinalysis testing of recently

booked male and female arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use

Forecasting Program (DUF) (see appendix for further information on DUF),

remained high in many major U.S. cities in 1992. In fact, rates of

cocaine seducing the past year were substantially higher than those for

opiate and marijuana use. Among the highest was Philadelphia, where 63

percent of the sampled population tested positive for cocaine use. In

New York City, the figure was 62 percent; in Atlanta, 58 percent; in

Chicago, 56 percent; in Miami, 56 percent; in Cleveland, 53 percent; and

in Los Angeles, 52 percent. Cocaine use among recently booked female

arrestees was also high in many cities. In New York City, 72 percent of

the female arrestees sampled tested positive for the use of cocaine; in

Philadelphia, 67 percent; in Cleveland, 66 percent; in Washington, D.C.,

64 percent; in Kansas City, 62 percent; in St. Louis, 62 percent; and in

Detroit, 62 percent.

TRAFFICKING

General Overview

The primary domestic importation points for cocaine destined for U.S.

consumption remain Arizona, southern California, south Florida, and

Texas. The principal cities utilized by Colombian cartels for

distribution of multi-hundred or multi-thousand kilogram quantities of

cocaine include Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York. While the

Medellin Cartel remains a significant supplier of cocaine to the major

U.S. distribution cities, the Cali Cartel continues to control most of

the cocaine brought into New York City, Miami, and Los Angeles. Staging

sites in the southwestern United States, where some stockpiling occurs

while awaiting transportation, are supplied with cocaine by Mexican

smugglers using couriers or tractor-trailers, other vehicles, and

commercial cargo. Organized groups of Cubans, Dominicans, Jamaicans,

Mexicans, and African-American gangs provide retail-level distribution

of the drug in major U.S. cities. In addition, both the Medellin and

Cali Cartels maintain operational headquarters in major U.S. cities to

control wholesale distribution networks. During the last year, as in the

past, traffickers shifted or diversified trafficking routes following

major seizures. Traffickers appear to be only temporarily affected by

the interdiction of pipelines and are taking an average of 10 to 14 days

to reestablish operations. This suggests continued use of imaginative

concealment methods and the use or maintenance of multiple-delivery

pipelines and systems to avoid law enforcement.

Routes

Cocaine traffickers perceiving enhanced law enforcement activity along

the United States-Mexican border and in the western Caribbean have

subsequently diversified their smuggling routes into the United States.

DEA field divisions report that cocaine traffickers are increasingly

using routes employed four to six years ago. This diversification

includes greater use of the eastern Caribbean and the eastern Bahamas as

well as increased importation into the eastern United States. This trend

was highlighted by the July 1992 seizure of 5.2 metric tons of cocaine

in Panama which was destined for Baltimore. Moreover, DEA Miami reports

that the Medellin Cartel has established a significant presence in The

Bahamas, utilizing the area as a transit point for cocaine en route to

south Florida.

Increased cocaine trafficking through the eastern Caribbean includes

greater use of Puerto Rico, which appears to be a primary target of

cocaine traffickers who use it as a transshipment point for cocaine

destined for the United States, Canada, and Europe. While the smuggling

of cocaine by general aviation aircraft into Puerto Rico continues,

maritime smuggling is the primary method of transporting cocaine to the

island. The appeal of Puerto Rico as a cocaine transit point is enhanced

by two factors: the first is the proximity of Puerto Rico to South

America, and the second is that once cocaine is successfully smuggled

into Puerto Rico, it can be shipped to the continental United States

with little likelihood of U.S. Customs screening.

Since early 1992, DEA field divisions have increasingly cited Central

American countries as transshipment points for U.S.-bound cocaine

shipments. This was highlighted by the April 1992 seizure of 6.7 metric

tons of cocaine in Miami transshipped through Guatemala and by the July

1992 seizure in Panama noted previously. During the past year, every

Central American country was cited as a transshipment point for U.S.-

boundcocaine. Reporting indicates cocaine is transported from source

countries to Central American countries by land, air, and sea

conveyances. From Central America, cocaine shipments are transported to

the United States by land, sea, and air directly or through Mexico.

U.S. law enforcement efforts along the United States-Mexican border

continue to force regional cocaine traffickers to alter their

operations. DEA and U.S. Border Patrol seizures since early 1992

indicate that cocaine traffickers are increasingly transporting smaller

(10 to 50 kilograms) cocaine shipments across less trafficked ports of

entry such as Calexico and Tecate, as opposed to transporting large

(multihundred kilogram) cocaine shipments across more frequently used

border crossing points such as San Ysidro. Additionally, in response to

law enforcement in southern California, traffickers increasingly use

U.S. ports of entry as far east as McAllen, Texas, to smuggle cocaine to

California. Methods of Transportation and Concealment

Maritime Transportation

The use of maritime containerized cargo to smuggle bulk quantities of

cocaine into the United States continues to challenge U.S. Government

drug interdiction efforts. Many DEA field divisions report the use of

cargo containers to conceal and transport cocaine among legitimate

goods. Additionally, cocaine is sometimes hidden in the walls and

support beams of cargo containers as well as in, or attached to, the

vessels themselves. DEA reporting indicates an increased demand by

cocaine traffickers for cargo ships in order to transport bulk

quantities of U.S.-bound cocaine. Furthermore, U.S. Customs reports the

large volume of cargo arriving at domestic ports, coupled with the U.S.

Customs capability of inspecting only a small portion of this cargo,

continue to be factors operating in favor of smuggling organizations.

The use of low-profile vessels by cocaine traffickers has made maritime

interdiction extremely difficult off the coast of Puerto Rico. DEA

reporting indicates these vessels, fabricated of wood and/or fiberglass

and measuring up to only 40 feet in length, are difficult to visually

detect since their coloring blends with the ocean. Moreover, their

profiles of only one to two feet above the water are not always

detectable by radar. Investigative reporting indicates these vessels

transport up to one metric ton of cocaine and sail directly from

Colombia to Puerto Rico without being detected.

Cocaine trafficking organizations also rely heavily on the use of

noncommercial maritime vessels. Pleasure craft and fishing vessels are

used to smuggle cocaine from source countries into the United States.

Pleasure craft carrying cocaine enter U.S. waters by blending in with

weekend "traffic "along the southeastern coast where weekend vessel

activity is heavy. Fishing vessels are also used to carry cocaine

directly into the United States as well as to transfer cocaine to other

vessels off the coast.

Air Transportation

DEA San Diego, Los Angeles, and Miami report cocaine trafficking

organizations have increased their use of airdrop operations. Cocaine

traffickers are airdropping cocaine shipments in the Caribbean and off

the coast of, as well as within, Central America and southern Mexico.

A combination of law enforcement successes, including those of the

United States-Mexican Northern Border Response Force, and conflicts

between trafficking organizations for control of clandestine airstrips

have contributed to trafficker avoidance of landing aircraft in northern

Mexico. Consequently, a number of smuggling organizations, including

traffickers associated with the Cali Cartel, feel it is less risky to

airdrop cocaine shipments to ground or maritime crews in Central America

or the Caribbean than to land aircraft in northern Mexico.

South American cocaine traffickers have recently acquired several large

cargo aircraft for the transport of cocaine, thereby increasing cargo

capacity while overcoming the limited flight range of smaller aircraft.

Moreover, cocaine traffickers within The Bahamas and elsewhere in the

Caribbean continue to use smaller aircraft as decoys to divert law

enforcement interdiction assets from actual smuggling operations being

conducted in a different locale.

Land Transportation

Cocaine couriers employ several methods to counter trafficker profiles

at or near the United States-Mexican border; these methods include

traveling in family-type groups with women and children to avoid

suspicion at checkpoints, hiring non-Mexicans to transport cocaine from

United States-Mexican border areas into Los Angeles, and recruiting

Anglo drivers and females to transport cocaine shipments.

Kilogram bricks continue to be the predominant form of packaged cocaine

smuggled into the United States. During the past year, DEA field

divisions have frequently cited rubber/waterproofed packaging of

cocaine. Additionally, seizures of multihundred kilograms of cocaine

concealed in U-Haul cardboard boxes and 55-gallon drums increased. Tile-

shaped cocaine (2"x 8"x 8"), vacuum-packed in metallic-type material,

has also been reported.

DEA and the U.S. Customs Service reported traffickers smuggle liquefied

cocaine into the United States concealed in water tanks of mobile homes

and recreational vehicles. Traffickers also have labeled 55-gallon drums

of liquid cocaine to reflect the climatic conditions of the locale where

the drums are shipped, i.e., a shipment to Chicago in the winter is

labeled "antifreeze." During May 1992, U.S. Customs in Houston made the

first seizure of liquid cocaine at Houston Intercontinental Airport from

an Ecuadorian national enroute to New York City. DEA Miami reported

small amounts of liquid cocaine are sometimes concealed within liquor

bottles. Moreover, DEA San Diego and Baltimore reported traffickers are

smuggling liquid cocaine into their areas of jurisdiction.

Within the United States, cocaine traffickers continue to use commercial

and private vehicles, trains, airlines, and the postal service to ship

cocaine. The use of concealed compartments within vehicles is commonly

cited by DEA field divisions. During the past year, several cocaine

seizures involved multiple concealment sites within the same vehicle, a

smuggling technique associated with marijuana trafficking. Popular

vehicles among traffickers for transporting cocaine include Nissan

vehicles and mini-vans. Additionally, some transportation organizations

use rental vehicles to circumvent vehicle seizures.

Cocaine traffickers who use tractor-trailers employ several methods to

circumvent law enforcement. There is extensive use of elaborate hidden

compartments to secrete cocaine within tractor-trailers. Additionally,

cocaine is often hidden among legitimate produce such as onions and

watermelons. On the West Coast, tractor-trailers obtain produce in the

San Joaquin Valley to conceal cocaine destined for the Midwest and East

Coast cities. Concealment of cocaine in tractor-trailers also includes

the use of compartments in air-conditioning units, radiators, and

batteries, containers welded in tire rims, and false walls. In the

Southwest, large commercial vehicles and trucks are a primary method for

transporting cocaine. An increase has been noted in the use of tractor-

trailers to transport bulk cocaine shipments into the Chicago area. DEA

reports truckers transporting cocaine sealed in odor-reducing wax among

legitimate cargo to avoid detection at checkpoints and scales. Extensive

use of commercial trucks to transport cocaine from the Los Angeles

metropolitan area to destinations throughout the United States has

occurred during the past year. In addition, traffickers continue to seek

opportunities to recruit U.S. port officials to facilitate large cocaine

shipments into the United States from Mexico by tractor-trailer.

Domestic Distribution

The Cali Cartel's method of operation in the United States remains

highly sophisticated and compartmentalized. U.S. bases of operation are

comprised of multiple cells operating within major metropolitan areas to

include Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, New York, Philadelphia, and San

Francisco. The operators of these cells receive orders directly from

top-level cartel managers in Colombia and operate independently of other

cells within the same metropolitan area. Cell operators utilize the

latest technology, such as computers, pagers, and facsimile machines, in

their daily operations. Cellular telephones are often bought in bulk

quantities and discarded after being used for several months or less in

order to thwart law enforcement telephone intercept efforts.

In general, the Medellin Cartel's method of operation in the United

States is not as compartmentalized as that of the Cali Cartel. The drug

trafficking groups, which comprise the Medellin Cartel, employ a group

decision-making process at the top level as opposed to the hierarchical

decision-making process employed by the Cali Cartel. At the lower

levels, trafficking groups can transact business with less restrictions

on their choice of business associates.

Peruvian traffickers reportedly ship cocaine concealed in maritime

vessels and aircraft to the United States and distribute it in the

Houston area independent of Colombian organizations. The use of Peru as

a source area for multiton shipments of cocaine was evidenced during

January 1992 by the seizure of five metric tons of cocaine aboard a

maritime vessel. The vessel originated in Peru and was reportedly

destined for the United States and Canada when it was interdicted in the

Caribbean.

Hispanic organizations, particularly Colombian and Mexican, continue to

dominate wholesale cocaine trafficking and distribution within the

United States. However, since early 1992, diverse ethnic groups,

including those of Middle Eastern, East European, Central Asian, and

East Asian descent, have become involved in these activities at all

levels of the domestic traffic.

Cocaine violators in urban areas, such as Boston and Atlanta, have

expanded their distribution networks into rural areas, which have

limited law enforcement resources, thereby reducing the risk of

investigation and arrest.

MISCELLANEOUS

During 1992, the exchange of cocaine for heroin was reported in Boston,

Calexico, New York City, and San Diego. The frequency of such exchanges

appears to be increasing and involves foreign and domestic heroin

traffickers seeking cocaine sources in the United States. In addition,

during the past year, Southwest Asian heroin trafficking organizations

sent heroin and opium via the international mail system to affiliates in

the United States who then purchased cocaine for export to Europe.

In 1992, four cocaine base conversion laboratories were seized within

the United States; two in New York City, one in California and one in

Florida. One of the laboratories seized in New York City was

operational. This represented the first functioning cocaine laboratory

seized in that city since 1987. Additionally, the operational New York

City laboratory used a vapor eliminating device. The device, the first

encountered by DEA that employed dry ice, allowed the laboratory to

function in a densely populated area without the strong chemical odors

normally associated with clandestine cocaine conversion laboratories. To

date in 1993, only one cocaine base conversion laboratory has been

seized within the United States in Hurleyville, New York.

Drug traffickers use high-tech equipment, including night-vision goggles

and radios with scramblers, as well as military hardware including

assault rifles, hand grenades, and bulletproof vests. Trafficking

organizations use scouts with radios to monitor law enforcement

activities along the United States-Mexican border. A Texas cocaine

organization recently attempted to purchase hand-held radios for

surveillance and body armor for their street-level dealers. Traffickers

have become more sophisticated in the use of electronics including

scanners with police frequencies.

Countermeasures employed by cocaine traffickers against U.S. law

enforcement include the use of counter-surveillance and paid informants.

Some traffickers study law enforcement methods of operation by reviewing

evidence documents during court proceedings. Reportedly, defense

attorneys employed by traffickers obtain investigative documents through

the "right of the discovery process" and then transmit by facsimile

informational reports to Colombia.

CRACK COCAINE

AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY

The simplicity of the crack conversion process allows any person with

access to cocaine hydrochloride (HCl) to be a potential source of crack.

Because cocaine HCl is plentiful and cheap and can be obtained in

virtually every area of the country, crack is, therefore, widely

available.

Crack is reported by drug epidemiologists and treatment professionals to

be the illegal drug of choice in many U.S. cities. Notable exceptions

include cities and towns along the southwest border, where drug

traffickers are primarily concerned with transshipping the large amounts

of cocaine HCl, marijuana, and heroin that are smuggled into the United

States, and certain areas within several north-central and northeastern

States that lack large ethnic minority communities, traditional

strongholds for crack distribution and abuse. Nonetheless, three Haitian

crack sellers were recently arrested in Portland, Maine, indicating that

no region is immune to crack trafficking.

Crack distribution and use appear to have reached the saturation point

in large urban areas throughout the country. Intensive competition in

the mid-to-late 1980's inundated the largest consumer pools with crack.

As a result, a number of crack trafficking groups have relocated or

extended their operations to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas; the

primary motivation for this is profit. Simply put, a rock or vial of

crack that sells for $5 to $10 in a large, well-populated area will

command a significantly higher price, usually $25 to $40 in a smaller,

less populated area.

The national price for a rock or vial of crack ranges from as low as $2

to as high as $75 but it generally sells for $10 to $50, depending upon

the size, normally 1/10 to 1/2 gram. In general, the larger cities have

the lowest retail prices. Reporting from New York City indicates a

dosage unit of crack sells for as low as two dollars, while a single

puff on a crack pipe can be obtained for as little as 75 cents.

Reporting from Philadelphia and Detroit indicates that crack can be

purchased for as low as $2.50 and $3.00 per dosage unit, respectively.

Prices for gram quantities of crack generally range from $45 to $150

nationally. At the ounce and kilogram level, crack prices are comparable

to cocaine HCl prices and usually range from $475 to $2,500 per ounce

and from $17,000 to $35,000 per kilogram.

In the mid-to-late 1980's, a readily available supply of inexpensive and

high quality crack at the retail level virtually eliminated any need for

users to perform the crack conversion process themselves. Indeed,

quality control was a major factor in marketing the drug. Analysis of

crack samples by DEA laboratories revealed that purity was consistently

high during that period, averaging 80-plus percent.

Although retail purity remains high, averaging almost 83 percent in

1992, sellers in some areas of the country, such as New York, Los

Angeles, and several cities in the Southeast, are selling poor-quality

crack, cut with adulterants such as lidocaine and procaine. These

adulterants increase the weight or the size of the crack and, therefore,

the profits. Many retailers will sell recently prepared crack that has

not been dried thoroughly and is still wet from the conversion process.

This practice is most profitable when dealing in wholesale quantities

where transactions are strictly determined by weight. At the dosage unit

or retail level, where the size of the rock is of greater concern,

procaine serves to increase the dimensions of the rock by adding holes

or pockets of air, giving rise to the street term "blow-up." Obviously,

the smaller the amount of pure cocaine present in the rock, the less

intense euphoric reaction the user will experience. In addition, a

limited number of retailers are selling bogus or "beat" crack to

unfamiliar customers because their regular customers consume virtually

the entire supply. Substitutes include soap, chalk, plaster, peanuts,

popcorn, and candle wax, which is known on the street as "perp."

Practices such as these are creating an increasing number of

dissatisfied and wary customers. An almost inexhaustible supply of

cheap, high-purity cocaine HCl, combined with a relatively simple and

safe production process, makes home conversion by the crack user more

appealing than the risk of purchasing and smoking low-quality or sham

crack. In fact, sellers in some northeastern cities sell two qualities

of cocaine HCl, a high-purity powder for users who will perform the

conversion to crack themselves, and a low-purity powder for ingestion

through snorting only. It has also been reported that users in Chicago

prefer the freebase method of conversion in the belief that this method

yields a higher purity product than the crack conversion process.

USE

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 showed that the

number of lifetime, past-year and past-month users of crack declined

significantly from 1991 to 1992. The highest percentages of crack use

were among those who were disproportionately represented in

socioeconomic groups that have historically faced increased health

risks, including African-Americans, the unemployed, and high-school

dropouts, as well as young adults aged 18 to 34.

According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse,

lifetime use of crack among high school seniors declined from 1991 to

1992; however, past-year, past-month, and daily use of crack by this

group remained relatively stable during that period. Nevertheless,

overall frequency of crack use among high school seniors has decreased

substantially since 1987.

Of particular concern is the slight rise in frequency of crack use among

8th graders. From 1991 to 1992, survey data indicate that an increasing

number of 8th grade students had used crack during their lifetime as

well as on a yearly and monthly basis. Also, fewer 8th graders in 1992

associated great risk of harm with occasional crack use than did 8th

graders in 1991.

TRAFFICKING

Trafficking/Distribution Levels

Crack trafficking is conducted at three broad levels, namely, wholesale

trafficking, mid-level distribution, and retail selling. It must be

emphasized that these classifications are not concrete and the

activities of a specific violator or group may vary. For example, as

will be explained later, the functions of a Jamaican posse may encompass

all three levels within the same organization.

Wholesale Trafficking: Crack traffickers purchase cocaine HCl in

kilogram or multikilogram allotments from traditional cocaine HCl

sources, including Colombians and Mexicans. The wholesale traffickers

will either package the cocaine HCl into ounce quantities or convert it

into crack themselves and then divide it into ounces for sale at the

next level. Wholesalers usually represent large groups that are

responsible for the majority of the interstate transportation of crack

and cocaine HCl intended for crack conversion.

The higher levels of crack trafficking are controlled by many small (up

to 10 members) and mid-sized (10 to 40 members) trafficking

organizations consisting of bands of individuals from distinct ethnic

groups. The main participants involved in wholesale crack trafficking

are Los Angeles-based street gangs, Jamaican posses, and Haitian and

Dominican groups. Without exception, each of these groups started out as

poly-drug traffickers, dealing primarily in marijuana and cocaine HCl,

and continue to sell these drugs. Similarly, street-level sellers often

sell retail units of other drugs in addition to crack.

Mid-level Distribution: Distributors further divide the ounces of crack

into dosage units for sale at the retail level. If they purchase cocaine

HCl, they can perform the conversion process easily themselves. These

distributors often operate crack houses or manage street-corner sales

locations and supervise up to 20 individual sellers. Mid-level

distributors can be either members of larger groups or independent

operators.

Retail-level Sales: Sellers carry dosage units of crack totaling no more

than a few grams at any one time. Workers in crack houses will sell

dosage units from the one or two ounces that are delivered by the mid-

level distributors. Retailers are typically young males who are

unemployed or destitute and many of them are crack addicts themselves.

At the retail level, crack is sold by countless individual sellers,

usually in inner-city sections of large metropolitan areas. Upon arrest,

these retailers are almost immediately replaced. While crack sellers and

users are present in virtually every ethnic community and economic

group, the majority are from low-income, urban African-American and

Hispanic neighborhoods.

Trafficking Networks

Over the past few years, crack trafficking has expanded from the large

urban centers to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas across the

United States. Major crack trafficking groups, such as the Crips, the

Bloods, and Jamaicans, are successfully extending their networks from

large cities, including Detroit, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York City,

to street corners and dwellings in virtually every State including

Alaska and Hawaii. This is occurring primarily for two reasons. First,

these groups are attempting to enlarge their customer pools and increase

their potential profits; second, the threat of disruption by law

enforcement pressure or aggressive competition has generated the search

for less hostile environments.

Jamaican posses are making advances away from the traditional

strongholds of Miami and New York City, targeting new crack markets.

Areas witnessing increased posse activity include Dallas and Kansas

City; Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, West Virginia; and the Florida

Panhandle. Jamaican posses reportedly have been distributing crack as

far westward as south-central Los Angeles. In a similar manner, the

Crips and the Bloods or their affiliates have been moving eastward into

cities such as Birmingham, Denver, Detroit, Las Vegas, and Phoenix, as

well as into West Coast cities such as Seattle. Recent reports in the

media suggest that these gangs are also moving into New York City. In

effect, posses and gangs have crisscrossed the nation with crack-

trafficking networks.

When crack first became available in New York City, it was sold by small

local bands of independent street sellers. Quite soon, however, these

sellers were incorporated into the lowest level of large organized

networks. The most successful groups increased their membership by

adopting other gangs through strong-armed persuasion or eliminated their

leadership altogether. As the groups grew larger, they attracted more

law enforcement attention. In the late 1980's, New York City's two

largest crack distribution organizations, Lido and Based Balls, were

successfully dismantled by Federal, State, and local law enforcement

agencies.

Currently, the larger groups in the United States are trying to insulate

themselves from law enforcement detection by scaling down and

streamlining their crack production and sales operations. The tedious

and labor-intensive process of shaving off dosage unit size rocks of

crack from larger chunks and packaging them in countless tiny plastic

bags or vials in cumbersome factory style operations is ill suited to

the clandestine nature of drug distribution. Recent disruption of a

large number of organizations by law enforcement has created a

distribution and sales system composed of many small groups operating in

a limited number of neighborhoods.

Trafficking Groups

The major crack trafficking organizations consist of street gangs, such

as the Crips and the Bloods, and groups of Jamaicans, Haitians, and

Dominicans. They all use similar trafficking and distribution techniques

and are engaged in interstate and intrastate transportation of wholesale

amounts of crack and cocaine HCl. They also have the knowledge,

experience, drug connections, manpower, and firepower to ply their trade

over long distances.

The majority of the information contained in this section was obtained

from the Middle Atlantic-Great Lakes Organized Crime Law Enforcement

Network Fifth Annual Conferences on International Caribbean Organized

Crime held June 15-19, 1992, and June 29 through July 2, 1993, in

Baltimore.

Jamaicans: One of the most effective crack trafficking groups in the

United States is the Jamaican posse. Posses consist of gangs of Jamaican

immigrants, often illegal aliens, that are involved in many criminal

activities other than drug trafficking, including robbery, fraud, and

money laundering. From these activities, posses receive an estimated one

billion dollars annually drug proceeds.

The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) estimates that,

currently, there are approximately 35 posses operating in the United

States with total membership numbering at least 11,000. Most posses

maintain some type of link to the larger, more established groups or

parent posses in New York City or Miami, such as the Shower, Spangler,

Dunkirk, and Jungle posses. New York City is generally considered to be

the hub of Jamaican posse activity.

Jamaican posses are extremely violent, competitive, and individualistic.

As a result, the structure of Jamaican organized crime will remain

fragmented, lacking disciplined organizations and alliances which are

common characteristics of traditional organized crime. Also, successful

prosecution by Federal authorities over the past several years has

disrupted much of the organization and control of the most prominent

posses that operated nationwide. As a result of these factors, a large

number of newly named splinter groups have evolved under the direction

of new posse bosses.

Jamaican posses are attempting to insulate themselves from law

enforcement pressure and violent competition by distancing themselves

from the often dangerous day-to-day operation of crack houses and by

distributing larger amounts of cocaine, in effect simply supplying those

same crack houses and street level distribution sites. Jamaicans are

also initiating alliances with members of other ethnic drug trafficking

groups. For example, Jamaicans have been attempting to establish

connections with Colombian and Mexican wholesale suppliers of cocaine in

order to eliminate middlemen and related additional costs. Also,

Jamaicans have been employing other minorities such as Haitians because

they are willing to work for less in the lower levels of the

distribution chain.

Jamaicans also are distributing other illegal drugs such as heroin and

marijuana; a few have been able to realize higher profits from heroin

distribution. Moreover, some Jamaicans have returned to trafficking

marijuana because the Federal penalties for marijuana trafficking are

less severe than those for crack and cocaine HCl, yet the profit

potential is almost as high.

A common method of operation by Jamaican posses is termed "drip"

trafficking. In an attempt to escape law enforcement efforts and to

protect against seizure, loss, or theft by competitors, Jamaican posses

do not stockpile large amounts of drugs and money; rather, they move

smaller quantities more often and more quickly.

In their efforts to expand crack sales and increase profits, Jamaican

posses are branching out to other cities and rural areas to establish

new drug markets where competition from rival gangs and law enforcement

activity is lessened. This migration has been observed in Dallas,

Denver, Kansas City, Washington, D.C., and northern Florida.

The Southwest border area has seen a significant influx of Jamaican

traffickers during the last five years because cocaine HCl and marijuana

are much cheaper to purchase in that region of the country. As a result,

they have set up storefronts, usually garages, hair salons, or music

stores, to mask distribution outlets and to launder proceeds. Since

weapons can be purchased for less in Texas than in other southern

States, Jamaicans often use females to make straw purchases of guns

which are then sent to New York and other cities in the Northeast.

Drugs, proceeds, and weapons are all shipped to different locations

using a variety of means. Commercial airlines have proven to be an

effective method of transportation. When interdiction efforts at

particular airports become prohibitive, couriers drive to airports in

other cities to elude law enforcement. Buses, trains, and rental

vehicles are also popular methods of shipment. False compartments are

frequently built into vehicles for transportation of drugs, money, and

weapons. Additionally, mail services such as United Parcel Service and

Federal Express are used to ship drugs and profits for the Jamaican

posses.

Dominicans: While some official estimates of the number of Dominicans

living in New York City are as low as 350,000, ATF claims the actual

number, including illegal aliens, may be closer to 1,000,000.

The hierarchy of Dominican gangs is slightly different than that of the

Jamaicans in that the Dominican bosses usually run their networks from

the Dominican Republic directly, traveling to and from the United States

as needed. Dominican gangs are always armed and employ modern equipment

and techniques in their daily operations, including walkie-talkies,

"kel" transmitting devices, booby traps (to protect drugs and money from

police action as well as from theft by competitors), and use of counter-

surveillance, which they practiced in the Dominican Republic in order to

elude the police.

Like the Jamaican posses, the Dominican traffickers are very violent and

competitive and, as a result, do not easily form tightly structured and

disciplined organizations. Although some reports suggest the emergence

of a Dominican drug cartel, no evidence has been brought forth to verify

the existence of an organization capable of orchestrating large-scale

importation and trafficking activities. However, this eventuality should

not be dismissed because, since the early 1980's, the Dominican Republic

has been used by Colombians as a refueling and transshipment point for

drugs destined for the United States and cooperation between Colombian

and Dominican traffickers has flourished.

Dominicans have made gains in establishing money-laundering operations

and front companies, most commonly travel agencies and check cashing

businesses. At times, they purchase businesses outright or make deals

with the owners or proprietors to carry out their orders. It is not

known to what extent drug proceeds are sent directly to the Dominican

Republic. Overall money transfers are estimated to be approximately $800

million per year.

Haitians: Haitian drug traffickers in the United States have been able

to strengthen their status in the drug trade through two significant

events. First, an influx of Haitian immigrants since the early 1970's

has provided a large pool of recruits for the drug trade. Second, by the

late 1980's, Haiti had become an important way station for cocaine HCl

shipped into the United States by the Colombian cartels.

At present, Haitian crack traffickers operate in a limited number of

major cities, primarily Miami and New York, and have not extended their

operations as the Jamaicans have. Many Haitian sellers are moving their

way up the distribution hierarchy by working at the lower levels of

crack operations run by other ethnic groups.

Street Gangs: Street gangs, operating under the umbrella names of the

Crips and the Bloods, extended their networks from the streets of Los

Angeles to many major American cities in the last half of the 1980's.

Sales of crack and cocaine HCl brought them power and influence during

that time. Gang members learned quickly that the cheap cocaine available

in Los Angeles could be sold as cocaine HCl or crack at great profit in

other parts of the country.

Los Angeles street gangs are very loosely organized in small units or

"sets" falling under the auspices of the two predominant gangs, the

Crips and the Bloods. The general street gang structure begins with

diverse groups of gang members acting as street-level sellers conducting

transactions in amounts up to several grams or even ounces on the street

or in rock houses. A few of these sellers rise to become mid-level

distributors, dealing in amounts of up to one kilogram or more and

working between the street-level sellers and the major traffickers.

Capable of brokering multimillion dollar deals, the major traffickers,

often referred to as "high rollers," are not usually visible gang

members and often have direct contacts with Colombian wholesale cocaine

suppliers.

Initially, gangs sold marijuana and PCP prior to entering into cocaine

HCl and crack trafficking, distribution, and sales. Eventually, they

developed a mode of operation that closely resembles the Jamaican model.

Typically, gang members travel to and establish crack operations in

smaller cities and towns where there is little police pressure and

competition from rivals. They often gain entry into a community by

visiting or living with friends or relatives. In addition to securing

lodgings, these visits provide access to young people, potential

recruits and customers, and help them attain legitimacy and acceptance

within the community. Soon, the gang members will seek out in many

instances low-income single mothers and offer them $100 a day to use

their apartment or house as a crack conversion or distribution site. A

common marketing technique known as "double up" is used by these street

gangs to attract new customers and involves the sale of two dosage units

of crack for the price of one.

Sales Locations

With few exceptions, crack distribution takes place either in urban or

suburban dwellings of all types or at inner-city street corner

locations. Virtually every large city in America has seen the emergence

of both of these retail sales locations. The prevalence of one site over

the other may be directly linked to two factors.

First, weather plays a major role in determining the chosen method of

crack distribution. For example, in cities with cold winters, sellers

will set up crack houses to escape the elements themselves and to offer

customers more hospitable accommodations. In summer, the operation may

be moved outdoors where increased pedestrian traffic provides the

necessary cover for street corner sales.

Second, the presence of significant law enforcement activity may force

street corner retailers to set up indoor crack facilities to evade

detection. Conversely, if gangs are suffering substantial losses due to

police raids on established crack houses, they may dispatch sellers to

specific, pre-designated street corner sales locations.

The sale of crack at street corner locations is considered to be ideal

because it provides sellers many avenues of escape when faced with

police pressure. If a particular street becomes too "hot" with police

activity, the retailers merely move a few blocks away and continue

selling. Moreover, tactics can be employed to mask street corner sales

of crack. In New York City, crack distributors have been known to

dispatch a seller along with up to 10 people dressed exactly alike to

work a street corner in an attempt to disrupt surveillance efforts. In

addition, street corner operations do not require expenditures for rent

and utilities, as is the case with crack houses.

HEROIN

AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY

Within the United States, heroin is readily available in all major

metropolitan areas having user populations. During 1992 and the first

few months of 1993, there was an increase in purity nationwide at the

retail level and increased supplies available from Southwest Asia. (It

should be noted that high purity heroin has been imported from Colombia

in increasing quantities in the past year. This heroin from Colombia,

which underwent signature analysis prior to DEA's development of a South

American heroin signature in July 1993, was analyzed as having a

Southwest Asian (SWA) signature. As a result, it may account in part for

both the increased purity and quantity of SWA heroin in the United

States.) At present, street-level purity, the key indicator of

availability, is at high levels, particularly in the northeastern

metropolitan areas.

Heroin from every major source area is available in the United States,

which is the most lucrative wholesale and retail level heroin market in

the world. The origin of heroin smuggled into the United States and the

proportion from each source area is tracked by DEA's Heroin Signature

Program (HSP). Each year an in-depth chemical analysis is performed on

600 to 800 samples taken from heroin seizures and purchases made in the

United States. The samples selected for signature analysis include all

DEA seizures at U.S. points of entry and other seizures/purchases

selected at random from DEA, in addition to Federal Bureau of

Investigation, and U.S. Customs Service seizures and purchases. As a

result of signature analysis, DEA chemists are able to associate the

heroin sample with a heroin manufacturing process unique to a particular

geographic source area. The proportion of samples associated with each

geographic area is measured both in terms of the number of samples from

each geographic source area and, since 1989, the net weight of the

heroin samples from each area.

In 1991, Southeast Asia (SEA) was the prevalent source area for heroin

in the United States for the fourth year in a row, accounting for 58

percent of the heroin samples analyzed through the HSP. SWA heroin and

Mexican source heroin accounted for half of the remaining samples with

21 percent apiece. In 1992, the results of the HSP were skewed by the

introduction of a number of samples of purported Colombian heroin.

Because a specific signature for heroin from Colombia was not available

then, most heroin samples of alleged Colombian origin are analyzed as

having a Southwest Asian signature. With this in mind, preliminary HSP

figures for 1992 reflect that 44 percent of the heroin samples analyzed

were from Southeast Asia, 39 percent from Southwest Asia or Colombia,

and the remaining 17 percent from Mexico.

Signature analysis also reveals that SEA heroin accounted for 88 percent

of the total net weight of the heroin samples analyzed in 1991, and 58

percent in 1992. SWA heroin (including heroin from Colombia) accounted

for nine and 32 percent of the total net weight of the heroin samples

analyzed in 1991 and 1992, respectively. Mexican heroin accounted for

three percent of the total net weight in 1991 and 10 percent in 1992.

U.S. airports, particularly New York's JFK International Airport, are

primary entry points for heroin shipments destined for the U.S. market.

The HSP shows that 91 percent (454 out of 498) of the heroin seizures

that took place at the U.S. border and points of entry during 1992

occurred at airports, and that over 75 percent of the airport seizures

occurred at New York's JFK International Airport. The nationwide average

net weight airport seizure was almost 800 grams and the average purity

of the heroin seized at these airports was 73 percent.

Nationally, in 1992, a kilogram of SEA heroin sold for $90,000 to

$250,000. In the northeastern United States, SEA heroin is also commonly

sold in units (700 grams), which sell for $90,000 to $115,000. The price

for SWA heroin ranged from $80,000 to $200,000 per kilogram. Wholesale

level prices for Mexican heroin were the lowest of any type of heroin

and ranged from $50,000 to $150,000. The wide range in the price of a

kilogram reflects several variables including buyer/seller relationship,

quantity purchased, purchase frequency, purity, and transportation

costs. Numerous and diverse foreign sources of supply also account for

the wide variances.

At the mid-level of the traffic, where dealers sell quantities ranging

from an ounce to multiounces, SEA heroin and SWA heroin sold for $5,500

to $12,000 per ounce. Mexican black tar heroin sold for between $1,800

and $4,000 per ounce, and Mexican brown powder heroin prices ranged from

$ 1,000 to $ 1,800 per ounce.

Domestic prices for Colombian-source heroin are generally compatible

with the prices for heroin from Southeast and Southwest Asia. Kilogram

prices quoted in undercover negotiations range up to $150,000 and vary

depending on final point of delivery. In actual undercover purchases of

smaller amounts, one-eighth of a kilogram cost $23,500, one-fourth of a

kilogram cost $42,500, and one-half kilogram sold for $62,250.

Heroin is sold at the retail level in the United States at prices

ranging from $10 to $50 and in quantities ranging from 10 to 50

milligrams. The retail price remains relatively constant at this level

because retail-level purity, rather than retail-level price, is adjusted

by the distributors to account for availability and to manipulate profit

margins.

The HSP provides purity information on heroin shipments smuggled into

the United States at the importation, or wholesale, level. For all types

of heroin at this level, the nationwide average purity in 1992 was 64

percent. SWA heroin was the purest form available at the wholesale

level, averaging 72 percent. SEA heroin nationwide averaged slightly

lower at 68 percent, while Mexican heroin averaged 33 percent.

At the retail level, purity is tracked by DEA's Domestic Monitor Program

(DMP), a heroin purchase program designed to provide price, purity, and

geographic source area data on heroin being distributed on the streets

of U.S. cities. The program is conducted quarterly in one city from each

of DEA's 19 field divisions and San Juan, Puerto Rico.

According to DMP data for 1992, the nationwide average purity for retail

level heroin was 37 percent. This percentage was much higher than the

average of 6.9 percent recorded a decade ago and also considerably

higher than the average purity of 26.6 percent recorded in 1991. The

increase in average purity corresponded directly to an increase in

availability of high purity SEA and SWA heroin. Although Mexican heroin

has been traditionally of lower purity than other heroin types in recent

years, it too increased in purity at the street level. Street-level

purity of SWA heroin analyzed in the DMP during 1992 was the highest for

all sources, averaging 55.8 percent, while Mexican heroin, at 25.6

percent, almost doubled between 1991 and 1992. SEA heroin remained

widely available in the northeastern United States with an average

purity of 34.4 percent.

Heroin purity at the street level was generally highest in the

northeastern United States, where a large percentage of the nation's

user population lives. In New York City, one of the major importation

and distribution centers for SEA and SWA heroin, the average purity at

the street level for these types of heroin was, respectively, 54.3

percent and 69.7 percent. Boston recorded the highest average purity of

retail level heroin in all of the DMP cities with an average of 73.7

percent during 1992.

USE

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 indicated a

decrease in the number of past-year heroin users. Survey data show that

the number of Americans 12 years of age or older who have used heroin at

least once in the past year declined from 381,000 in 1991 to 323,000 in

1992. During that same time frame, however, the number of past-month

heroin users increased from 83,000 to 107,000. The increase in the

number of lifetime heroin users to 2,653,000 in 1991 appears to have

been an anomaly, as the 1992 estimate has declined to 1,840,000.

(Estimates of heroin use from the Household Survey are considered very

conservative due to the probable under coverage of the population of

heroin users.)

According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse,

heroin use increased among high school seniors. Although 1.2 percent of

the seniors in the class of 1992 reported they had used heroin at least

once in their lifetime, up from 0.9 percent in the class of 1991, it was

still below the peak of 1.3 percent reported in the classes of 1989 and

1990. Moreover, for the first time in recent years, there was a

statistically significant decline among seniors in the perceived risk of

harm associated with heroin use.

The National High School Survey also shows that lifetime heroin use

among 8th graders increased from 1.2 percent in 1991 to 1.4 percent in

1992, past year use remained steady, and past-month use increased from a

0.3 percent in 1991 to 0.4 percent in 1992. Among 10th graders, both

lifetime and past-month use remained stable from 1991 to 1992, while

past-year heroin use increased form 0.5 percent to 0.6 percent.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of nationwide

heroin-related emergency room episodes, which had been fluctuating

somewhat during the past several years, increased substantially from the

first to second half of FY 1992. During that time frame, the number of

heroin-related episodes rose from 18,192 to 24,593, an increase of 35

percent. Cities showing substantive increases during the latter half of

FY 1992 in the number of heroin-related emergency room episodes included

Baltimore, Boston, Los Angeles, New York City, and Seattle.

Possible explanations for the rising levels of heroin-related emergency

room episodes have been provided by a number of drug epidemiologists and

treatment specialists. Reports indicate that segments of the crack

cocaine user population are using or switching to heroin as a means to

mitigate the depressive effects associated with withdrawal from crack.

There are additional reports of the appearance, in a limited number of

areas, of new distributors attempting to establish markets as well as

the growing involvement of youth gangs in the heroin traffic. Moreover,

heroin is now being sold in white as well as African-American and

Hispanic neighborhoods in a limited number of cities. In New York City,

anecdotal information indicates that more teenagers and females are

selling heroin than in the past. Lastly, there is a perception among

some users that heroin is a safer drug than cocaine, while certain

others consider heroin use to be "cool." The latter represents a radical

departure from previous attitudes toward heroin use.

Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the injection of heroin

continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients

admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for heroin-related problems. However,

the percentage of patients who indicated that injection was their

primary route of administration has decreased from 79.1 percent in FY

1989 to 73.9 percent in FY 1992. During this same time frame, there was

an increase in the percentage of patients who snorted heroin. Those who

snorted heroin rose from 4.8 percent in FY 1989 to 8.8 percent in FY

1992. Increases in snorting are attributed, in part, to a fear of

contracting AIDS through needle sharing and the availability of high-

purity heroin on the street.

Opiate use (to include heroin) among recently booked arrestees as

reported by the DUF Program remained relatively low and stable in 1992

when compared to rates for cocaine and marijuana. Cities having the

highest percentage of positive urinalysis tests for heroin among booked

male arrestees in the first half of 1992 were Chicago at 19 percent; New

York City at 18 percent; San Antonio at 15 percent; San Diego at 16

percent; Washington, D.C., at 11 percent; Los Angeles at 11 percent; and

Philadelphia at 12 percent. Female arrestees tested positive at high

rates in New York City (24%), Portland (22%), Washington, D.C., (19%),

San Diego (17%), Detroit (15%), Phoenix (15%), San Antonio (14%), and

Los Angeles (13%).

TRAFFICKING

SEA Heroin Trafficking

Major SEA heroin trafficking organizations, often under the control of

Sino-Thai and Chinese criminal groups, oversee the smuggling of SEA

heroin into the United States. Chinese traffickers in the United States

with links to these international criminal groups are the most prolific

importers and distributors of heroin from Southeast Asia. Chinese or

Thai nationals are often used to transport the heroin and are generally

responsible for the largest bulk shipments, in the multihundred kilogram

range, of SEA heroin smuggled into the United States.

Around 1986, these Chinese smuggling groups took over the multibillion

dollar wholesale heroin trade that had been controlled for over two

decades by Traditional Organized Crime groups in the United States. Over

the next few years, ethnic Chinese traffickers flooded the northeastern

United States, the largest heroin market in the country, with bulk

shipments of high-purity SEA heroin. In recent years, these highly

structured clandestine Chinese organizations have increased the size and

number of heroin shipments to the United States. In the wake of

increased availability, the layers of mid-level distributors in the New

York City area were eliminated and Chinese wholesalers sold directly to

Dominican street-level dealers, a development that resulted in enhanced

heroin purity at the street level.

SEA heroin traffickers use a variety of transportation routes to smuggle

heroin into the United States from the Far East. One of the major routes

originates in Bangkok and terminates in New York City, the largest

heroin importation and distribution center in the United States. (Each

year since 1986, roughly half of DEA's nationwide seizures occur in the

New York City metropolitan area.) Maritime cargo shipments are the

primary transport method for smugglers using this route and the

shipments may transit a variety of countries including Hong Kong, Japan,

Korea, the Philippines, Singapore, and Taiwan. Many shipments from the

Far East are also transshipped through Canada and then into the

northeastern United States. Traffickers smuggle heroin shipments aboard

commercial airlines originating in Bangkok and then transit almost any

Asian city, as well as a number of cities in Europe and Canada. In

addition to New York City, other U.S. cities in the Northeast, including

Boston and Philadelphia, are also used as entry points. Traffickers also

use West Coast cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle as

entry points for heroin shipments destined for the Northeast.

Chinese traffickers employ a variety of smuggling methods. Generally,

the size of the heroin shipment determines the smuggling method. The

largest shipments, ranging from 50- to multihundred-kilogram quantities,

are secreted in containerized freight aboard commercial marine vessels

and air freight cargo. Smaller shipments are concealed in the luggage of

airline passengers, strapped to the body, or swallowed. SEA heroin

smugglers also use the mails and delivery services to transport

multigram to kilogram quantities into the country.

Traffickers using commercial cargo originating in source countries

frequently attempt to disguise the origin of the cargo shipment by first

transshipping containers through several other countries or by

falsifying the container documentation. In 1992, 35 kilograms of heroin,

which were shipped from Singapore concealed in ceramic tiles, were

seized in Newark, New Jersey. In May 1991, the largest heroin seizure in

U.S. history occurred near Oakland, California, when 494 kilograms of

SEA heroin were seized from a commercial cargo of plastic bags aboard a

merchant vessel. The shipment originated in Thailand and was

transshipped through Taiwan prior to importation into the United States.

In addition to the Chinese and Sino-Thai traffickers, Nigerians remain

deeply entrenched in the smuggling of SEA heroin. Nigerian traffickers

dispatch large numbers of internal body couriers traveling aboard

commercial airlines bound for the United States. These "swallowers,"

including Nigerians as well as other nationalities recruited as

couriers, can smuggle up to two-kilogram amounts of SEA heroin per trip.

Moreover, recent reporting suggests that a number of Nigerian

trafficking groups are experimenting with smuggling larger

(multikilogram) shipments of heroin concealed in commercial maritime

cargo.

Most Nigerian organizations are based in Lagos, Nigeria. Since they are

formed along tribal lines at the senior levels, the organizations are

close-knit. Drug barons who control the Nigerian organizations remain

well-insulated by directing lower-level traffickers to recruit the

numerous couriers, often non-Nigerians, and to organize travel to the

United States. In 1992, Nigerians returned almost all profits generated

in the United States to Lagos, Nigeria, or to Europe for laundering.

As a result of enforcement pressure, Nigerians continue to recruit other

ethnic groups, including other West Africans, Europeans, and American

citizens, as heroin couriers. New York's JFK International Airport was

the entry point used most frequently by Nigerian trafficking

organizations in 1992. However, during the past year, Nigerian

traffickers diversified both the smuggling routes used to reach the

United States and their points of entry into the country. For example,

West Africans, in all likelihood controlled by Nigerians, made a limited

number of attempts to smuggle heroin through entry points along the

United States Southwest border and the Canadian border during 1992.

Nigerians have established heroin distribution networks in U.S. cities

with well-established Nigerian populations such as Atlanta, Baltimore,

Chicago, Dallas, Houston, Newark, New York, and Washington, D.C. These

networks are capable of supplying heroin ranging from 100-gram to

multikilogram quantities on a regular basis. During 1992, reporting from

a DEA investigation in Dallas indicated that Nigerian heroin traffickers

collaborated with members of Jamaican posses in distributing heroin from

Jamaican-controlled crack houses in Dallas and hired posse members as

enforcers to protect Nigerian operations.

SWA Heroin Trafficking

SWA heroin in the United States increased in availability and purity

during 1992 and the first few months of 1993. While some of the rise in

purity levels for SWA heroin is in all likelihood attributable to the

influx of high-purity heroin from Colombia, investigative reporting and

laboratory analysis show that traditional SWA heroin traffickers are

also smuggling a purer form of heroin into the United States.

Importation and distribution of SWA heroin is much less centralized than

that for SEA heroin, both geographically and in regard to trafficking

groups. A number of ethnic groups from Southwest Asia, the Middle East,

and Europe are active in smuggling SWA heroin into the United States,

and its distribution; these ethnic groups include Afghans, Greeks,

Iranians, Israelis, Lebanese, Pakistanis, and Turks. SWA heroin is

transported to the United States directly from producing countries, as

well as transshipped through Europe and Africa. Significant quantities

of SWA heroin bound for the United States are also transshipped through

the Canadian cities of Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver. Although New

York City is a major SWA heroin importation and distribution center,

heroin is also smuggled into and distributed throughout the Northeast;

in Mid-Atlantic cities such as Baltimore and Washington, D.C.; in some

cities on the West Coast such as Los Angeles, San Diego, and San

Francisco; in some Midwestern cities including Chicago and Detroit; and

in Puerto Rico. Other points of entry for SWA heroin include Houston and

Miami.

Most SWA heroin trafficking groups in the United States are highly

cohesive and difficult to penetrate because they are based on ethnic,

familial, and tribal relationships. SWA heroin importers and wholesale

level distributors generally are very cautious and rarely transact with

outsiders. As a result, SWA heroin trafficking and distribution are

generally more prevalent in cities that have large populations from

Afghanistan, Greece, Lebanon, Pakistan, and Turkey, such as Chicago,

Detroit, and New York City.

SWA heroin traffickers rely less on commercial cargo as a smuggling

method than their counterparts from Southeast Asia. Generally, SWA

heroin traffickers, unlike Chinese traffickers, do not smuggle heroin on

a large scale, such as multiple bulk shipments. However, they are able

to regularly smuggle shipments ranging from one to 20 kilograms and, on

occasion, larger amounts. Many SWA heroin trafficking organizations use

commercial cargo and couriers aboard commercial airlines to smuggle one

to five kilograms on a steady basis. However, several organizations are

capable of smuggling from five- to 10 kilogram shipments aboard maritime

vessels on a fairly regular basis.

Pakistani traffickers, who smuggle SWA heroin, control importation

routes into the United States and distribution networks in New York City

and other cities in the East and Midwest. This heroin is occasionally

transshipped through California as well. Pakistani traffickers are adept

at developing new smuggling techniques and unique concealment methods,

such as specially designed vests with pockets to conceal heroin, which

are worn underneath the clothes of couriers on airlines.

Pakistanis regularly transact business with Afghan and Indian

traffickers, and other ethnic groups from Southwest and South Asia. Some

Nigerians still smuggle and distribute SWA heroin but most are now more

active in trafficking SEA heroin.

Lebanese trafficking groups appear to be increasing their level of

smuggling into and distribution in the United States, particularly in

Boston, Detroit, and New York, cities with large Lebanese communities.

Moreover, some SWA heroin originally destined for the European market is

now smuggled into the United States because Lebanese traffickers, in an

effort to maximize profit margins, are exchanging SWA heroin for cocaine

with Colombian cocaine organizations. (At the wholesale level, heroin

prices in the United States are higher than in Europe, while cocaine

prices in Europe are higher than in the United States.)

Mexican Heroin Trafficking

Mexican heroin, in brown powder form as well as the more widely

available black tar form, is produced almost exclusively for the U.S.

heroin market. The smuggling and distribution of Mexican heroin to and

within the United States is controlled by organizations composed of

Mexican nationals and Mexican-Americans. Mexican trafficking

organizations are often made up of family members, lifelong friends, and

other trusted associates.

While some Mexican organizations control the entire process from opium

production and heroin processing in Mexico to the management of

transportation and distribution networks in the United States, other

trafficking organizations operate independently on a smaller scale.

Mexico's extensive land border with the United States provides smugglers

numerous entry points into the country. Heroin is smuggled across the

U.S. Southwest border in relatively small amounts, most often ranging

from gram- to multiounce quantities, by large numbers of illegal

immigrants and migrant workers. Occasionally, there are large seizures,

such as the April 1993 seizure of approximately 10 kilograms of black

tar heroin at Blythe, California, but such amounts are the exception.

Generally, Mexican heroin seizures do not exceed one or two kilograms.

The use of numerous couriers to smuggle relatively small quantities of

Mexican heroin is characteristic of the smuggling methods employed by

Mexican heroin traffickers. These traffickers take advantage of their

close proximity to the United States by stockpiling the larger

quantities of heroin in Mexico and then smuggling smaller amounts as

transactions in the United States are arranged. Most traffickers believe

their heroin stockpiles are less susceptible to law enforcement in

Mexico, and by storing heroin there they minimize the danger of U.S.

authorities seizing significant amounts of heroin. According to

investigative reporting, even large poly-drug Mexican organizations,

which are capable of smuggling multiton quantities of cocaine and

marijuana, limit smuggling of Mexican heroin into the United States to

kilogram and smaller amounts.

Traffickers who distribute Mexican heroin within the United States are

generally Mexican immigrants, primarily from the States of Durango,

Michoacan, Nuevo Leon, and Sinaloa. Mexican organizations control

distribution at the wholesale level but are not generally involved in

street sales which are often managed by local gangs.

Smuggling methods include concealment in motor vehicles, public

transportation vehicles, internal and external body carry, and

commercial package express services. Females are used much more

frequently than males as couriers for transporting heroin and money

across the border.

Once the heroin is smuggled into the United States, transportation is

arranged to metropolitan areas in the western and southwestern States

where there are sizable populations of Mexican immigrants. Heroin is

also transported to the Chicago, Denver, and St. Louis metropolitan

areas, primary markets for Mexican heroin. In the United States, Mexican

black tar heroin is usually sold by the "piece" or Mexican ounce, which

weighs 25 grams.

Colombian Heroin Trafficking

The availability of heroin from Colombia increased in the United States

during the latter half of 1992 and early 1993, according to seizure

analysis and investigative reporting. While most evidence suggests that

Colombian traffickers are still operating at a fairly low level, the

potential of the Colombian heroin threat is serious, primarily because

of the smuggling resources controlled by the Colombian cocaine cartels.

At present, Colombian heroin traffickers are attempting to establish

distribution outlets in the United States, particularly in the

metropolitan areas of the Northeast, and, as a result, are smuggling a

heroin of very high purity, generally 80-plus percent. The high purity

is essential in order for the Colombian traffickers to break into the

fiercely competitive retail heroin markets in Boston, Newark, New York

City, and Philadelphia, where street level purity averages over 50

percent. Colombian heroin is also available in southern New England

cities, such as Hartford and Bridgeport, Connecticut, and Providence,

Rhode Island, where, according to reporting from the Boston Field

Division, Cali Cartel cocaine networks are operating. Currently,

significant investigations of Colombian heroin trafficking organizations

are underway in Miami, Newark, New York City, San Diego, and San Juan,

Puerto Rico.

Since 1991, most of the Colombian heroin smuggled into the United States

has been transported by couriers aboard commercial airlines, a method

requiring numerous couriers carrying amounts ranging up to a kilogram

per trip. Colombian couriers commonly transport the heroin in false-

sided briefcases and luggage, inside hollowed-out shoe soles, or by

internal body carry methods. Much of this activity appears to be the

work of smaller, independent Colombian traffickers, according to

investigative reporting from the DEA Bogota Country Office.

According to the El Paso Intelligence Center, the number of Colombian

couriers who were arrested on commercial airlines carrying heroin into

the United States increased from 41 in 1991 to over 260 in 1992; most of

these seizures occurred at either Miami or New York's international

airports. The majority of Colombian couriers arrested in Miami confessed

to being en route to New York City or possessed follow-on tickets for

that destination. Individuals with an end destination of Miami were

often instructed to check into a local hotel and await further

instructions.

The primary method of smuggling (ingestion) employed by Colombian

traffickers and the seizure amounts (usually less than 500 grams)

indicate that Colombian traffickers presently are not able to supply

heroin on the same scale as Chinese, Nigerian, or Southwest Asian

traffickers. To date, the largest shipment seized involved a June 1992

airdrop of just under 15 kilograms of heroin on a Puerto Rican beach;

this shipment may have been tied to the Colombian cocaine cartels.

However, as the cocaine cartels become more involved in heroin smuggling

and distribution, the seriousness of the threat will increase

significantly, given their vast resources, control over trafficking

routes, and access to a stable cocaine (crack) clientele in the United

States.

CANNABIS

AVAILABILITY/PRICE/POTENCY

Marijuana, a Schedule I controlled substance and by-product of the

Cannabis sativa L. plant, remained the most commonly used illegal drug

in the United States during 1992. Both the cannabis plant and delta-9

tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the plant's primary psycho-active chemical,

are controlled substances. The flowering tops, also known as colas or

buds, are valued because of their higher THC content. The flowering tops

and leaves are collected, dried, and then smoked in a pipe or as a

cigarette. Hashish, which is processed from cannabis, is also valued to

a limited extent by some individuals in the United States.

Typically, 34 percent of a non-sinsemilla (pollinated) plant contains

usable material (the leaf and bud components) and 58 percent of a

sinsemilla (unpollinated female) plant contains usable material. The

higher the plant density of the grow area, the lower the yield of usable

material. In addition, the diameter of the plant is more important than

the height for yield predictions. Indoor plants are generally smaller

than outdoor plants due to space limitations. The average plant yield

for mature, domestically grown sinsemilla is approximately 1.25 pounds

per plant. The average plant yield for mature, domestically grown

commercial grade marijuana is approximately three-quarters of one pound

per plant.

Marijuana prices have increased substantially over the past decade.

Prices for a pound of commercial grade marijuana during the early 1980's

ranged from $350 to $600, while in 1992 the cost ranged from $300 to

$3,000. Sinsemilla with its inherently higher THC content, ranged from

$1,000 to $2,000 ten years ago. In 1992, the price ranged from $650 to

$9,600 per pound. Successful law enforcement efforts have forced some

cultivators to move indoors. Cultivators have increasingly moved indoors

to avoid detection and to exploit the profit potential of potent

sinsemilla marijuana. Indoor growers cultivate sinsemilla because the

higher THC content of sinsemilla permits growers to charge higher

prices. Scarcity created by law enforcement operations has also

increased prices in some areas.

Domestic cultivation trends of significance in recent years include

cultivator efforts to enhance the potency of marijuana by making use of

advanced agronomic practices such as hydroponics and cloning. Such

techniques also involve the use of special fertilizers, plant hormones,

steroids, and carbon monoxide. During the late 1970's and early 1980's,

the THC content of commercial grade marijuana averaged under two

percent. By comparison, the average in 1992 was 3.68 percent. The

average THC content of sinsemilla in 1992 was 8.34 percent which

compares to an average of approximately six percent in the late 1970's

and early 1980's. Moreover, in February 1993, a new U.S. record was

recorded for the highest concentration of THC analyzed in a marijuana

sample. The sample had a THC content of 29.86 percent which is nearly 32

percent higher than the previous record of 22.67 percent reported during

1992. The record high THC content of this sample is an indicator of the

continuing trend by indoor growers to produce higher potency marijuana

over recent years.

USE

According to the 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse,

approximately 67.5 million Americans have tried marijuana at least once

in their lifetime. Of these, approximately 2.2 million were from 12 to

17 years of age, nearly 13.5 million were from 18 to 25 years of age,

and almost 52 million were 26 years of age and older. Of the 17.4

million people who used marijuana at least once in the past year, nine

million used the drug once a month during 1992, and 5.2 million used it

once a week or more. Survey data also indicate that the frequency of

marijuana use has declined substantially from 1985 to 1992. Overall,

past-year, past-month and past-week use of the drug have diminished by

nearly 45 percent during that time frame.

According to the National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, the

long-term decline in the use of marijuana among seniors continued in

1992. However, there was also a decrease in the proportion of that

population who believed there was a "great risk" of harm associated with

regular marijuana use, possibly presaging a reversal of the downward use

pattern. In addition, among 8th graders, lifetime, past-year, and past-

month use of marijuana marginally increased from 1991 to 1992. Moreover,

8th graders in the class of 1992 were less likely to view marijuana use

as dangerous compared to 8th graders in the class of 1991. Also, the

proportion of 8th graders who personally disapproved of marijuana use

declined from 1991 to 1992. These shifts in perception may explain the

increased use of marijuana among 8th graders.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area

marijuana-related emergency room episodes, which had declined from FY

1989 to FY 1991, increased once again during FY 1992. In fact, the

number of marijuana-related emergency room episodes rose from 9,231 in

FY 1991 to 12,108 in FY 1992, an increase of more than 30 percent. DAWN

reporting also shows that nearly one-half of the patients treated for

cannabis-related hospital emergency room episodes during the first six

months of 1992 were under 26 years of age; approximately 70 percent of

these patients were male. The large majority, approximately 80 percent,

used marijuana in combination with other substances. Patients most

frequently used marijuana in combination with alcohol. The next most

common combination involved the use of marijuana with cocaine.

Marijuana use among recently booked male arrestees as reported by the

DUF Program increased in many major U.S. cities in 1992. The highest

levels of marijuana use were reported in Omaha, where 38 percent of the

sampled population tested positive through urinalysis. In Indianapolis,

the figure was 35 percent; in San Diego, 35 percent; in Denver, 34

percent; in Ft. Lauderdale, 32 percent; and in Miami, 30 percent.

Marijuana use among recently booked female arrestees also increased in

many cities. In Indianapolis, 26 percent of the female arrestees sampled

tested positive for the use of marijuana; in San Diego, 25 percent; in

Dallas, 24 percent; in Ft. Lauderdale, 21 percent; in Denver, 19

percent; and in Kansas City, 18 percent.

TRAFFICKING

Mexico accounted for most of the foreign marijuana available in the

United States during 1992. Mexican marijuana is smuggled into the

southwestern United States by vehicles, private aircraft, armed

backpackers, and horse or mule caravans. Colombia ranks as a distant

second behind Mexico as a foreign source of marijuana. Colombian

marijuana is smuggled into the United States by noncommercial vessels

using traditional maritime routes. Jamaican traffickers have increased

marijuana shipments since January 1992. Jamaican marijuana is smuggled

into the United States by private and commercial aircraft, and maritime

vessels.

DOMESTIC CULTIVATION/ERADICATION

An estimated 6,000 to 6,500 metric tons of cannabis were cultivated in

the United States during 1992. During that year, approximately 3,405

metric tons, representing 7.49 million cultivated plants, were

eradicated. Reporting indicates that 31 percent of the cannabis plants

eradicated during 1992 was sinsemilla.

The five major cultivated cannabis-producing States in 1992 were

Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, and Hawaii, respectively. These

States accounted for approximately 44 percent of the cultivated cannabis

eradicated during 1992. Reports from Indiana and Nebraska over the last

two years could signal a possible new trend in marijuana production. The

two States report an increase in tended/enhanced ditchweed, a form of

marijuana, which grows in the wild. Although ditchweed has low potency,

it is mixed with cultivated marijuana to increase quantity.

There has been an increase in the cultivation of cannabis indoors year-

round in elaborately supported operations that have ranged from several

plants grown in closets to thousands of plants grown in specially

constructed underground sites capable of producing marijuana worth

millions of dollars. Growers also continued to plant cannabis in remote

outdoor areas, often concealed or camouflaged by surrounding vegetation.

During 1992, the 13th annual DEA-sponsored Domestic Cannabis Eradication

and Suppression Program (DCE/SP) was conducted in conjunction with other

Federal, State and local law enforcement authorities in 50 States. The

National Guard and Civil Air Patrol also participated. The DCE/SP

resulted in the eradication of 7.49 million cultivated cannabis plants,

264 million low-potency ditchweed plants, the arrest of 12,369

violators, and the seizure of 5,541 weapons. Moreover, the number of

indoor growing operations seized in 1992 reached an all-time high of

3,849, up from 2,848 seized in 1991. Indoor cultivation operations were

confiscated in all 50 States during 1992, with the greatest number, 561,

seized in the State of Washington. The movement toward indoor production

is believed due primarily to successful law enforcement efforts to

curtail outdoor cultivation. The average indoor cultivation operation

has approximately 100 plants. In addition, an average of one weapon was

seized from each indoor operation.

In recent years, the DCE/SP has placed increasing emphasis on the

investigation and prosecution of major domestic cannabis cultivators and

trafficking organizations. The net result during 1992 was the seizure of

assets valued at over $69.3 million, over twice the amount seized in

1989 ($29.5 million). The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, National Park

Service, and Bureau of Indian Affairs also have long-term programs to

combat cannabis cultivation on public lands.

One of the major accomplishments of the DCE/SP continues to be Hawaii's

Operation WIPEOUT. During 1991, it was estimated that the program

eradicated approximately 85 percent of Hawaii's summer cannabis crop.

During 1992, Operation WIPEOUT's continued success was evidenced by

reports that mainland smugglers were attempting to smuggle marijuana

into Hawaii in order to fill the vacuum. Operation WIPEOUT is now

conducted as a maintenance program. Every 90 days, the WIPEOUT teams

conduct aerial surveillance and eradicate what few cannabis plants they

find before the plants reach maturity. More emphasis is also being

placed on arresting cultivators.

Another major accomplishment of the DCE/SP was the successful lobbying

efforts to convince the California State Government to consider

herbicidal spraying as a means of eradication. To date, the California

State Government continues to study the proposal. Previous requests to

use herbicidal spraying in California were met with strong resistance

based on environmental, as well as political, concerns. Spraying will be

conducted in limited areas on a trial basis. Kansas, South Dakota, and

Texas are also considering herbicidal spray programs.

DEA continues to conduct a special enforcement program entitled

Operation GREEN MERCHANT that targets major indoor growing operations.

To date, DEA, together with State and local authorities has seized

nearly 4,000 growing operations, arrested over 1,500 violators, and

frozen millions of dollars in illicitly acquired profits and assets.

METHAMPHETAMINE

AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY

Methamphetamine is available in varying quantities in most areas of the

United States, except for the northeastern and Mid-Atlantic regions

where, for the most part, it is encountered infrequently. Availability

is primarily concentrated in the western and southwestern United States

where most clandestine laboratory activity occurs. Methamphetamine is

also available in limited retail amounts in the Southeast and somewhat

larger quantities in the Midwest.

The production of methamphetamine, as evidenced by the number of

reported clandestine laboratory seizures to DEA, has decreased each year

since 1989. During 1992, 288 methamphetamine laboratories were seized.

This is in comparison to 652 laboratories seized in 1989, 429 in 1990,

and 315 in 1991.

The decrease in laboratory seizures is attributed to the ongoing

enforcement of Federal and State chemical control legislation. The 1988

Chemical Diversion and Trafficking Act (CDTA) became effective in 1989,

and enables the Federal Government to regulate listed precursor and

essential chemicals used in the clandestine synthesis of dangerous

drugs. Over the last three years, most States have passed legislation

similar to the CDTA.

The price of methamphetamine at the wholesale (pound) level has remained

relatively constant during the past four years. In 1992, methamphetamine

prices ranged from $5,000 to $22,000 per pound, $300 to $2,500 per

ounce, and $45 to $200 per gram.

Nationwide purity of methamphetamine at the ounce and gram levels

averaged 46 and 53 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to 35

and 34 percent, respectively, during 1991. (Pound-purity levels are

unavailable due to infrequency of purchases at that level.)

USE

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1991 showed that an

estimated 5.2 million Americans 12 years of age and older have used

methamphetamine at least once in their lifetime. (Lifetime prevalence

rates for 1985, 1988, and 1990 are not available. The lifetime

prevalence rate for 1992 is not yet available. Data concerning past-

year, past-month, weekly, and daily prevalence rates for methamphetamine

are also unavailable.)

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area

methamphetamine-related emergency room episodes decreased at a

relatively steady rate from the first half of FY 1989 through the first

half of FY 1992. However, this downward trend reversed itself during the

latter half of FY 1992. During the second half of FY 1992, there was a

52-percent increase in the number of emergency room episodes involving

methamphetamine. Despite this, second-half FY 1992 emergency room

episodes remained below those reported in FY 1989.

DAWN emergency room data indicate that methamphetamine abuse is

concentrated in the metropolitan areas of San Diego, San Francisco, and

Los Angeles In San Diego and Los Angeles, methamphetamine-related

hospital emergencies increased sharply during the latter half of 1992.

Nationally, approximately 75 percent of the patients treated for drug

abuse episodes involving methamphetamine were white; nearly 65 percent

were male; approximately 25 percent were between 18 and 25 years of age,

and 40 percent were between the ages of 26 and 34.

Approximately 45 percent of patients treated in emergency rooms as a

result of methamphetamine abuse indicated that their use of

methamphetamine was due to dependence. Approximately 20 percent had come

to the emergency room because of an overdose, approximately 30 percent

as a result of an unexpected reaction to the drug, and more than 20

percent came due to the chronic effects associated with methamphetamine

abuse.

Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the injection of methamphetamine

continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients

admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for methamphetamine-related problems.

Despite this, the percentage of patients who indicated that injection

was their primary method of administration decreased slightly during the

past year from 38.4 percent in FY 1991 to 34.9 percent in FY 1992.

Moreover, there has been an increase in the percentage of patients who

smoked methamphetamine during the past several years. Those who smoked

methamphetamine increased from 3.9 percent during FY 1989 to 6.8 percent

during FY 1992.

ILLICIT MANUFACTURE

Laboratory Seizures

Although clandestine methamphetamine laboratory seizures declined during

1992, methamphetamine remained the most prevalent, clandestinely

manufactured controlled substance in the United States. According to DEA

reporting, 288 methamphetamine laboratories were seized during 1992,

which accounted for 87 percent of all clandestine dangerous drug

laboratory seizures. The 1992 figure represents a nine percent decrease

from the previous year's total of 315 laboratories seized and continues

the downward trend in laboratory seizures that began in 1990.

DEA field divisions in Dallas, Denver, Los Angeles, Phoenix, San Diego,

San Francisco, and Seattle, seized approximately 83 percent of all

methamphetamine laboratories during 1992. This clearly indicates that

the clandestine manufacture of methamphetamine is still primarily based

in the western and southwestern United States.

Methamphetamine laboratory seizures declined from 1991 to 1992 in 14 DEA

field divisions including the San Francisco Division which continued to

report the highest number of seizures. Sixty-seven clandestine

methamphetamine laboratories were seized during 1992 by the San

Francisco Division compared to 81 in 1991. However, DEA's Los Angeles,

San Diego, Phoenix, Dallas, and St. Louis offices reported an increase

in the number of laboratories seized within their respective areas.

Clandestine laboratories have been seized from every imaginable location

from suburban homes, garages, apartments, mobile trailers, urban

dwellings, and industrial areas to specially-designed underground

vaults. The laboratories have been camouflaged, booby-trapped, buried

underground, conveyed, and abandoned.

Laboratory Operations

Laboratories are usually constructed in very rural areas across the

United States; however, an increasing number of small laboratories are

being located in urban and suburban neighborhoods where they pose a

significant threat to health and safety. Not only are methamphetamine

laboratories used to produce an illegal, often deadly drug, but they

have caused explosions, fires, and toxic fumes. Chemicals associated

with clandestine laboratories have proven to be environmental pollutants

and health hazards.

Clandestine laboratories are usually operated on an irregular basis

rather than on a regular schedule. Operators often produce a batch of

methamphetamine then disassemble the laboratory and store it or move it

to another location while they acquire additional chemicals. Storage

facilities are often utilized to house (safeguard) chemicals, glassware,

and the finished product. An operator will often utilize different

locations to manufacture methamphetamine. Therefore, it is not uncommon

for an organization to have multiple laboratory sites. Relocating the

laboratory affords some protection against detection by law enforcement

authorities.

Clandestine laboratory operators are often well-armed, and their

laboratories are occasionally booby-trapped as a security precaution.

Numerous weapons, including explosives, are routinely confiscated in

conjunction with clandestine laboratory seizures. Public safety, and

environmental concerns are of little importance to illicit drug

laboratory operators. Every year, a number of clandestine laboratories

experience fires or explosions which lead to their discovery. Laboratory

operators often waste essential chemicals as they attempt to synthesize

a high-quality batch of finished product. They usually dispose of these

and other hazardous chemical wastes by unsafe and illegal methods, often

dumping these wastes on the ground or in nearby streams and lakes,

pouring them into local sewage systems, or burying them underground.

Individuals who synthesize methamphetamine are commonly referred to as

"chemists" or "cooks." This level of education and knowledge of

chemistry can vary from high school dropouts with no real chemical

knowledge to professional chemists with graduate degrees in chemistry.

These "cooks" most typically have very little formal training; rather,

they frequently follow a handwritten recipe or have learned to

synthesize methamphetamine from underground publications,

apprenticeships, or during incarceration. There are, however, a number

of "chemists" that are fairly adept or knowledgeable with regard to

synthesizing methamphetamine. These individuals utilize chemicals more

efficiently, thus increasing the yield ratio of chemicals to finished

product. In addition, the "chemist" has the proficiency to solve

problems which may occur during the manufacturing process. This is in

contrast to operators who simply follow a recipe and who are generally

unqualified to perform corrective measures.

MANUFACTURING METHODOLOGIES

Although the manufacture of methamphetamine can be accomplished by a

variety of chemical synthesis methods, it is most commonly produced

using the phenyl-2-propanone (P2P) or ephedrine reduction routes of

synthesis. The ephedrine reduction method was once most often used in

clandestine laboratories located in California, and has since become

widespread throughout much of the United States. It is preferred over

the P2P method of methamphetamine production for three reasons. First,

it is a simpler route of synthesis; second, the effects of the resulting

product are more pronounced; and, third, ephedrine is more readily

available to clandestine laboratories in California and in the

Southwest.

A relatively new and simple procedure to synthesize methamphetamine has

been noted using a variation of the ephedrine reduction method. The

process is being called a "cold cook" method on the streets because an

external heat source is not required for the synthesis to proceed. The

method uses commonly available material and chemicals to manufacture

between one to two ounces of methamphetamine per batch. The process is

commonly performed in such readily available containers as two 32-ounce

sports drinking bottles, insulated coffee cups, mugs, or in modified

laboratory glassware.

CHEMICAL DIVERSION

Integral to the manufacture of illicit methamphetamine are the chemicals

and equipment necessary to operate a clandestine laboratory. Whether the

phenyl-2-propanone, ephedrine reduction, or other method of synthesis is

used, various combinations of chemicals, glassware, and equipment are

required. The acquisition of chemicals is, therefore, a vital and

readily identifiable component of the illicit trafficking cycle.

Chemical control legislation enacted at the Federal and State level has

made it increasingly difficult for operators to obtain needed chemicals.

Consequently, trafficking organizations are constantly seeking new

sources and developing ways in which to circumvent the law. They

manufacture some of their own chemicals, utilize "runners" to purchase

necessary chemicals under threshold amounts, and experiment with

alternate, non-regulated chemicals. Laboratory operators obtain

regulated chemicals, such as ephedrine, by purchasing over-the-counter

products which are exempt from the provisions of the CDTA. Chemicals are

also acquired from "rogue" chemical companies or in States which have

less restrictive chemical laws or in such countries as Mexico and

Canada.

MANUFACTURlNG/DISTRIBUTION ORGANIZATIONS

Methamphetamine manufacturing/distribution operations vary greatly in

size, structure, and degree of sophistication. Some laboratory operators

act as their own chemists; others hire chemists to run the laboratories

for them. Many manufacturers are independent producers who cook for

various organized groups. This is particularly true of larger

organizations which may hire or contract chemists to manufacture

methamphetamine in return for cash, finished product, or a combination

of the two. Other cooks manufacture for themselves rather than for a

particular organization. Leasing storage facilities, procuring

chemicals, securing the laboratory site, and setting up glassware and

equipment may be the responsibility of one person or many different

individuals. Several individuals may simply work together to combine

their expertise, chemicals, etc., on an ad hoc basis. The number of

individuals which comprise an operation and the function each performs

differs from one organization to the next.

Throughout the United States, numerous individuals, groups, and

organizations from independent entrepreneurs and outlaw motorcycle gangs

to Mexican poly-drug trafficking organizations currently manufacture and

distribute methamphetamine. Nationally, independent entrepreneurs

represent the largest identifiable group involved in methamphetamine-

related investigations. To a lesser degree, outlaw motorcycle gangs

continue to play a role in the distribution aspect and influence

production in certain areas. They most typically insulate themselves by

financing manufacturing operations rather than becoming directly

involved themselves.

The most noteworthy trend in recent years is currently taking place in

California where Mexican traffickers dominate the large-scale production

and distribution of methamphetamine in the San Diego, Riverside, San

Bernadino, and Fresno areas. In fact, the high volume of methamphetamine

manufactured and distributed is the distinguishing characteristic of

Mexican traffickers involved in dangerous drug production.

Numerous 22-liter setups are frequently utilized in laboratories

operated by Mexican traffickers to produce an average of 20 to 80 pounds

during each manufacturing process. Traffickers set up laboratories or

"cooks" in very remote areas throughout southern and parts of northern

California Organizations may purchase property or pay for the short-term

use of a site in order to acquire a secure manufacturing location. An

organization may utilize one location multiple times.

Mexican illegal aliens are most frequently encountered at these

laboratory sites. In some cases, they are hired as helpers or to

maintain the reaction process, while the actual chemist visits

periodically to ensure the operation is functioning properly. In other

cases, Mexican illegal aliens are responsible for all facets of the

manufacturing process. Chemicals are generally stored in stash houses

and brought to the laboratory site on a limited basis. The amount of

chemicals present at the laboratory is usually restricted to what is

required to complete a particular cook.

Chemicals are procured for these laboratories from sources in the United

States and Mexico. Chemical brokers recruit runners to make purchases at

rogue chemical companies. Additionally, ephedrine, a precursor for

methamphetamine, is easily accessible to Mexican traffickers; the

chemical is currently shipped, without restriction, from Germany to

Mexico and subsequently smuggled across the United States-Mexican border

in privately owned vehicles. Moreover, brokers supply chemicals to

numerous manufacturing organizations. Organizations assist each other in

obtaining chemicals and glassware. A certain amount of cooperation

exists among many of these organizations; links between these groups

were already established through their long-standing cocaine, heroin,

and marijuana connections.

There are indications that groups which previously manufactured

methamphetamine are now finding it more cost effective to purchase it

from Mexican sources. In addition, there is limited evidence to suggest

that Mexican traffickers may be attempting to expand their operations to

other areas of the country. There are also indications that

methamphetamine is currently being manufactured in Mexico and

subsequently smuggled into the United States.

SOURCE AREAS

California is a primary source for methamphetamine in many areas

throughout the United States. However, the manner in which manufacturing

operations are carried out often makes it difficult to determine the

origin of the source of supply. Operators manufacturing in a particular

area may distribute the finished product to associates residing locally,

in neighboring States, or in other geographic areas. Privately owned

vehicles are the modes of transportation used most frequently in the

nationwide distribution of methamphetamine.

LSD

AVAILABILITY/PRICE/POTENCY

DEA reporting indicates that LSD (Iysergic acid diethylamide) is

available in at least retail quantities in virtually every State in the

United States and that availability is increasing in a number of States.

Reporting also indicates that an increasing number of individuals or

groups are manufacturing and distributing or attempting to manufacture

and distribute LSD in the United States. In the last two years, DEA

seized or purchased LSD in 33 States and Washington, D.C. LSD

availability has been reported by either DEA offices or State and local

police authorities in many of the remaining 17 States. Northern

California appears to be the source of supply for most of the LSD

available in the United States.

LSD is available in several forms, including blotter paper, tablets,

gelatin, sugar cubes, and liquid. Tablets can be purchased in several

areas, however, most of the retail doses are in the blotter-paper form.

Microdots are available in California, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, New

Jersey, and Vermont. Gelatin in the "windowpane" variety has been

reported in Michigan and sugar cubes are available in Colorado and the

Washington, D.C., area. Personal-use doses of liquid LSD in vials have

also been reported in Colorado, Illinois, New York, and West Virginia.

LSD is relatively inexpensive. The average price is approximately five

dollars per retail dosage unit and costs less than one dollar per dosage

unit in wholesale lots of 1,000 dosage units or more. When compared with

marijuana, which sells for $40 to $450 per ounce, LSD is perceived by

many drug users as a bargain, especially if one considers the duration

of its effects which can persist for up to 12 hours in higher doses.

Although there has been some fluctuation in the price of LSD nationally

during the past several years, overall prices remain relatively low.

LSD potency or strength is measured in micrograms. In the 1960's and

early 1970's, LSD potency generally ranged from 100 to 200 micrograms

per dosage unit or higher. Analysis of exhibits during the late 1970's

indicated an average potency in the 30- to 50-microgram range. From the

mid-1980's to the present, LSD potency has remained considerably below

levels reported during the 1960's and early 1970's and has generally

been in the range of 20 to 80 micrograms per dosage unit. As a result of

this comparatively low dosage level, many users perceive LSD as "safe,"

thus enhancing the drug's attractiveness.

USE

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse data for LSD are limited to

estimates of lifetime use, defined as the use of LSD at least once in a

person's lifetime. During 1991, 11.8 million Americans, 12 years of age

and older, reported having used LSD at least once compared to 8.4

million in 1985, an increase of 40 percent. The data reveal two

significant expansions in the number of lifetime users of LSD; one

expansion occurred from 1985 to 1988 and the other from 1990 to 1991.

According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, past

year use of LSD among seniors in the class of 1992 increased to the

highest level since at least 1985. Current (monthly) use of LSD among

10th and 12th grade students remained relatively stable from 1991 to

1992. Among 8th graders, however, current use of LSD increased during

that same time frame from 0.6 percent to 0.9 percent. Moreover, past-

year use of LSD rose in all three grade levels from 1991 to 1992.

DAWN reports indicate that the estimated number of nationwide LSD-

related hospital emergency room episodes increased from FY 1989 to FY

1990. Although abuse patterns have been somewhat erratic since that

period, the current number of LSD-related episodes remain above those

reported during FY 1989.

ILLICIT MANUFACTURE AND TRAFFICKING

A total of six clandestine synthesis LSD laboratories have been seized

since 1981; however, these were all seized prior to 1987.

LSD producers fall into two groups. The first is composed of chemists,

manufacturers, and distributors, located in northern California, who

work together in close association; they are normally major

manufacturers capable of distributing LSD nationwide. The second group

of producers work independently. The independent producers are

encountered in almost any part of the country, however, their product is

intended for local consumption only.

Wholesale LSD trafficking patterns are not well understood; however,

three theoretical models have been developed, which outline

organizational structures, production methods, and trafficking patterns.

These theoretical models may help to explain how clandestine LSD

activity occurs. Law enforcement officials call these organizational

patterns: the Independent Entrepreneurial Model, the Inner/Outer Circle

Group Model, and the Association Model.

The Independent Entrepreneurial Model: A number of law enforcement

officials believe some LSD manufacturers and distributors, who are not

part of the northern California group, entered the market due to

increased demand and the opportunity for high returns on a small

investment. Examples of this type of loosely-structured organization

have been noted in cases in Austin, Texas; New Orleans, Louisiana;

Hartford, Connecticut; and Denver and Boulder, Colorado. The common

feature in each of these cases was an individual or a small group of

individuals who manufactured LSD independently from any California

source of supply. Some entrepreneurs who have manufactured or have

attempted to manufacture LSD have been known to law enforcement

officials for years; however, the number of independent traffickers

appears to have increased recently.

The Inner Circle/Outer Circle or Single Group Model: This model is

thought to be organized under one close-knit group, the inner circle,

which controls the vast majority of LSD manufacturing and distribution

in the United States. The inner circle is probably composed of five to

10 principal individuals who possess specialized functions. These

specialists would include chemists, bulk storage custodians,

financial/transportation specialists, and executives who manage overall

operations. The inner circle controls the means of manufacture; they

assemble, operate, disassemble, and store laboratory equipment; and keep

a reserve amount of LSD on hand for distribution. They sell from 10- to

200-gram lots to a limited number of multigram distributors. This inner

circle presumably accrues multimillion-dollar profits and only conducts

business with the next level of distribution referred to as the "outer

circle."

The outer circle consists of multigram distributors who supply a number

of teams, groups, or individuals. They sell LSD at $1,000 to $3,000 per

gram and accrue an estimated $300,000 to $600,000 per year.

Close Association Model (An alternative theory to the Inner Circle/Outer

Circle or Single Group Model): In this model, a small group of people

located in northern California, who have known each other for over two

decades, control the manufacture and distribution of LSD. However, in

contrast with the Inner Circle/Outer Circle theory, these people do not

work in one structured organization. They come together, as necessary,

to acquire chemists, chemicals, working capital, etc. They work as

consultants or advisors to each other in order to meet their common goal

of producing and distributing LSD. They may work together as a unit to

prepare and distribute one batch of LSD, but after that is accomplished,

they leave the association until another opportunity arises. They have

strong loyalty to each other and are living comfortably, but they are

not thought to be motivated primarily by profit.

DISTRIBUTION

Lower-level distribution of LSD usually occurs in three ways. First, an

individual attends a rock concert, meets a source of supply, and

exchanges telephone numbers with the source of supply. Normally, these

purchases are for retail quantities of up to 100 doses. Second, if this

individual decides to continue distributing, he/she would then call the

source for additional amounts. Usually the source has either continued

on the concert tour or has returned home, which is frequently northern

California. If the source intends to stay on the tour-making subsequent

communication difficult-the source provides the telephone number of an

associate for future orders. After the initial purchase, almost all

transactions are made via the public and private mail systems. Payments

to a source of supply are usually made through legitimate money wiring

services. Third, some dealers travel directly to California to meet

their sources of supply.

Reporting indicates that shipment methods used to transport both large

and small quantities of LSD are often similar. LSD is frequently

concealed in greeting cards, in cassette tapes, or in articles of

clothing that are mailed to a post office box established by the

recipient. This post office box is usually listed under a fictitious

name or business. Normally, no return address is provided on the package

or envelope. Moreover, it is suspected that some multigram distributors

will travel to their source in order to obtain supplies.

Retail or user level quantities range from one- to 10-dosage units. Low-

level distributors sell 50- to 100-dosage-unit quantities. Mid-level

distributors sell 1,000-dosage-unit quantities as well as multiples of

1,000 units. These distributors normally have more than one source of

supply and sell to several lower-level dealers. The sources of supply

for gram-distributors are in all likelihood located in northern

California. These sources normally convert LSD from powder or liquid

form to blotter form. Multigram distributors travel to California to

obtain LSD personally and are in association with numerous lower-level

dealers.

PCP

AVAILABILITY/PRICE

Phencyclidine, commonly referred to as PCP, is available in varying

degrees in a limited number of U.S. cities, primarily Baltimore,

Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and

Washington, D.C. During 1992, PCP in liquid form, the most common form

available in the United States, sold for $150 to $1,000 per ounce

nationally. The lowest liquid-ounce prices were reported in Los Angeles,

the source for most of the PCP trafficked in the United States, where

such quantities sold for $150 to $300. Nationwide, the price for PCP in

powdered form ranged from $400 to $2,000 per ounce. During 1992, the

price for a gallon of PCP ranged from $3,000 to $10,000 in Los Angeles

and up to $13,000 in New York City. Individual cigarettes saturated with

PCP sold for between $5 dollars and $70 nationwide.

USE

PCP is sold on the street under numerous names including: Angel Dust,

Crystal, Supergrass, Killer Joints, Ozone, Wack, Embalming Fluid, and

Rocket Fuel. These names reflect the range of its bizarre and volatile

effects. The liquid form of PCP is the most commonly encountered, but it

is also sold in tablets, capsules, and as a powder. PCP is typically

applied to a leafy material such as mint, parsley, oregano, or

marijuana, and then smoked. PCP has been used to adulterate

commercially-manufactured cigarettes, usually by dipping them in liquid

PCP, which is PCP dissolved in ether. The most popular commercial

cigarettes are dark paper-wrapped brands such as Shermans or Tijuana

Smalls. PCP can also be injected hypodermically into cigarettes.

In 1957, PCP was developed as a human anesthetic and later used in

veterinary medicine as a powerful tranquilizer. In 1965, medical use for

humans was discontinued because of adverse side effects such as

confusion and delirium. In 1978, its commercial manufacture was

discontinued and PCP was transferred from Schedule III to Schedule II of

the Controlled Substances Act, thus classifying it as a drug with a high

potential for abuse.

PCP enjoyed a brief popularity in the late 1960's when it was trafficked

as a "Magic Peace Pill." Abuse of the drug resurfaced from the mid-to-

late 1970's because of low price and powerful effects. From the period

1981 through 1985, abuse of the drug escalated significantly,

particularly among persons under the age of 21. Cities which experienced

significant PCP availability and abuse levels in the early-to-mid-1980's

included Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, New Orleans, New York

City, San Diego, San Francisco, St. Louis, and Washington, D.C.

Around 1986, and continuing through the early 1990's, demand for PCP was

displaced in large measure by the widespread availability and use of

crack cocaine. More recently, however, there are indications that PCP

abuse is increasing once again in a number of cities.

The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse showed that lifetime and

past-year PCP use among the U.S. household population decreased from

1985 to 1990; however, 1991 and 1992 survey data indicate an end to this

downward use pattern. From 1990 to 1992, the number of Americans aged 12

years and older, who used PCP at least once, increased from six million

to 8.2 million, while the number who had used PCP in the past year

increased from 307,000 to 467,000. Nevertheless, the number of past-year

users in 1992 remained significantly below the number reported in 1985

when approximately 1.2 million Americans reported using PCP at least

once yearly.

According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse,

PCP use among 12th graders has declined significantly during the past

seven years. From 1985 to 1992, the percentage of seniors who used PCP

at least once in their lifetime decreased from 4.9 percent to 2.4

percent. Comparable declines were also reported during that same period

in the percentage of seniors who used PCP during the past year and past

month as well as on a daily basis. This diminished use is believed to be

due in large part to a significant increase among 12th graders in the

perceived risk of harm associated with PCP usage.

Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan-area

PCP-related emergency room episodes, which had been declining at a

substantial rate during the past three years, rose from 1,353 during the

first half of FY 1992 to 2,380 during the second half of FY 1992, more

than a 75-percent increase. Cities having high or increased PCP abuse

rates during the second half of FY 1992 included Baltimore, Chicago, Los

Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington,

D.C.

TRAFFICKING AND ILLICIT MANUFACTURE

Reporting indicates that the majority of the nation's PCP supply is

manufactured and distributed by Los Angeles-based street gangs. While

buses, trains, and airlines are used to transport PCP from California

sources of supply, private automobiles are believed to be the primary

means for transporting PCP across the country. Female couriers are used

very frequently and the amounts transported generally range from one to

two quarts. PCP traffickers also use the U.S. mail system and express

delivery services to transport PCP.

Four PCP laboratories were seized in 1992 compared to three in 1991. Two

of the 1992 seizures were in northern California and one each near

Chicago and Philadelphia. PCP laboratory seizures since the mid-1980's

have ranged from three to 21 per year, totals which are considerably

less than the high of 79 reported in 1978. No PCP laboratories have been

seized thus far in 1993.

APPENDIX

The NATIONAL HOUSEHOLD SURVEY ON DRUG ABUSE, sponsored by the Substance

Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), is a series of

national surveys to measure the prevalence and frequency of drug use

among the U.S. household population aged 12 and over. The survey samples

the civilian non-institutionalized population living in households,

college dormitories, and military installations and, therefore, does not

include some segments of the U.S. population which may contain a

substantial proportion of drug users, such as transients and those who

are incarcerated. The SAMHSA publishes survey results on an annual

basis.

The NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL SENIOR SURVEY is a series of nationwide studies

of drug use frequency and related attitudes among high school seniors in

the United States. The survey is conducted annually by the University of

Michigan's Institute for Social Research and funded by research grants

from the SAMHSA. In addition to high school seniors, the study includes

the recently-added national surveys of 8th and 10th grade students. For

the 1992 survey, approximately 50,000 8th-, 10th-, and 12th-grade

students across the country were questioned.

The DRUG ABUSE WARNING NETWORK (DAWN) is a large-scale data collection

system implemented in 1972 and designed to be an indicator of the

severity, scope, and nature of the nation's substance abuse problem. The

purpose of DAWN is to provide data on the incidence of drug abuse

related episodes from participating hospital emergency rooms located in

21 U.S. metropolitan areas. DAWN is managed by the SAMHSA.

The NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF JUSTICE (NIJ) established the Drug Use

Forecasting Program (DUF) in 1987 to identify and monitor trends in drug

use among arrestees in the United States. Each quarter, at central

booking facilities in 24 participating jurisdictions, arrestees are

asked to participate in a voluntary, anonymous interview and to provide

a urine specimen. Urine samples are analyzed to detect the use of

cocaine, opiates, marijuana, PCP, methadone, benzodiazines (such as

Valium), methaqualone, propoxyphene (such as Darvon), barbiturates, and

amphetamines. The results of the urinalysis testing are published by the

NIJ on a quarterly and annual basis.

DISTRIBUTION

The White House

National Security Council

Office of National Drug Control Policy

Department of Justice

Federal Bureau of Investigation/DlU

Federal Bureau of Prisons

Immigration and Naturalization Service

INTERPOL/USNCB

Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces

U.S. Marshals Service

Department of the Treasury

Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms

Internal Revenue Service

U.S. Customs Service

U.S. Secret Service

Department of Defense

Defense Intelligence Agency

National Security Agency

Central Intelligence Agency/CNC

Department of State

U.S. Coast Guard

DEA Headquarters, DEA Field Offices, DEA Laboratories

El Paso Intelligence Center

Financial Crimes Enforcement Network

National Drug Intelligence Center

International Association of Chiefs of Police (Narcotics Committee)

National Alliance of State Drug Enforcement Agencies

National Sheriffs' Association

[NOTE: The published report from which this information was input

includes additional text and accompanying tables and figures.]

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