Current Status and Future Trends in Psychedelic (LSD) Research
Robert E. Mogar
Journal of Human Psychology, Vol. 2, 1965, pp. 147-166.
Since the discovery of d-lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD-25)
in 1943, a voluminous literature has accumulated concerning its
effects on a variety of animals, including man. Despite the mass
of published reports, definitive evidence is generally lacking,
particularly with regard to the subjective and behavioral effects
both during and subsequent to the LSD induced state. It is well
established that this powerful agent produces major alterations
in cerebral processes and central autonomic functions. There is
also ample evidence indicating a markedly lowered threshold for
arousal (Key & Bradley, 1960) and an increased sensitivity to
stimuli in all modalities (Klee, 1963). These
psychopharmacological effects parallel the findings of clinical
and behavioral studies at least on the molar descriptive level.
Pronounced perceptual changes have been almost invariably
demonstrated with concomitant alterations in affect, ideation,
and the relationship between subject and environment (Hoffer,
1965). Beyond these rather global findings, results have been
inconsistent and often contradictory, even within species far
less complex than man (Cohen, 1964).
The well-known methodological problems encountered in
research with centrally acting drugs are at least partly
responsible for the slow progress thus far (Zubin & Katz,
1964). This has been especially true with human subjects.
Systematic study of human reactions to LSD poses unique problems
associated with greater organic complexity, shortcomings of
currently available measuring devices, the ubiquity of individual
differences, lack of an adequate theoretical model, and the
influence of non-drug variables such as set and setting. In
addition to these experimental obstacles, LSD has until recently
been the center of a complicated medico-legal-social controversy
(Harman, 1964). This has tended to obscure the relevant empirical
questions and inhibit investigations which are both imaginative
and reasonably objective.
AMBIVALENCE IN A PERIOD OF TRANSITION
The short but illustrative history of LSD-25 (a) as a subject
of research, (b) as a psycho-social phenomenon, and (c) as a
theoretical or philosophical enigma may be viewed as a case study
of significant trends in contemporary psychology and psychiatry.
It is equally instructive to reverse the process by viewing the
growing interest and fascination with altered states of
consciousness from the perspective of recent shifts in
psychological theory and research. As young disciplines lacking
stable direction, self-scrutiny and constant revision
characterize the social sciences. And in the light of their
subject-matter, these fields are particularly attuned to the
wider culture. In this connexion, recent developments in the
philosophy and sociology of science emphasize the transactional
interplay between theory, observer, and actuality. Rather than
laws of nature, theory and evidence are more accurately viewed as
working fictions or convenient myths and reflect the belief
system of a given time and place (Holten, et al., 1965). A rather
extreme version of this "Indeterminacy Model" of
science has been described by Alfred de Grazia (1963, p. 56):
The model suggests that the spirit of the times and
customs dictate what will and will not be science....
Scientists operate under the indeterminacy system by various
myths—primarily of rationality, of causation, and of
power of choice—but in fact do not know what they are
seeking, what is available, or what are solutions. That their
compensation, whether in esteem, position, or money, is
related to performance is only an illusion. What is accepted
and what is rejected are therefore only a product of chance
encounters of purpose and provision.
A growing body of empirical evidence supports the view that
science as a branch of human endeavor is socially and
psychologically conditioned just as any other human activity
(Rosenthal, 1963). From this perspective, contemporary
theoretical issues and recent shifts in psychological research
become a sensitive barometer of the present social climate and
also a timetable of significant cultural trends. A case in point
is the recent emergence of a "third force" in American
psychology with its emphasis on personal growth and greater
realization of human potentialities. The third force in
psychology has counterparts in each of the arts and science. (1) Collectively, they
represent a concerted effort to counteract the progressive
subordination of personal identity to what Erik Erikson calls the
"technological superidentity" (1962). Interestingly,
they also share a highly positive vision of modern man's
foreseeable possibilities. This ambivalent, somewhat paradoxical
position suggests that contemporary humanistic thinking has been
inspired not only by the dehumanizing effects of the
scientific-industrial complex, but also by its capacity for
making the lives of men healthy, safe, and reasonably secure for
the first time in history.
Traditionally, the motive power of western cultures has
necessarily focused on survival and environmental
mastery—human strivings which are highly congenial to a
behavioristic or psychoanalytic frame of reference. In contrast
to these orientations, Maslow views the organismic equilibrium
made possible by satiated bodily needs, physical safety, and some
measure of psychological security as merely prerequisite to more
uniquely human pursuits. This hierarchical conception of man's
strivings depicts him as a self-directed creature with impulses
toward creative expression and self-enhancement as well as
homeostatic maintenance (Maslow, 1962).
It is too early to gauge the extent to which Maslow's
humanistic image of man meshes with the modern temper. On the
other hand, considerable evidence has already accumulated
indicating that behaviorism and psychoanalysis, in their orthodox
forms, no longer have what Bruner describes as "an immediate
resonance with the dialectic of experience" (1962). Yet
their continuing impact on our self-and world-view is clearly
substantial. Thus, three divergent orientations occupy the same
stage concurrently—reflecting and in turn effecting social
values and individual conduct. Viewed comparatively, these
equipotent theories of man and the research they generate give
testimony to the preoccupations and uncertainties of our time.
Placed within this broader context, the diverse descriptions
and interpretations of the LSD experience become more
understandable. And since psychedelic,
"mind-manifesting," substances have been known and
ingested throughout man's history (Barnard, 1963), the current
fascination with this class of experiences seems particularly
significant. Although presently unclear, one general reason for
the increasing interest in psychedelic phenomena can be
identified: either as a means of investigating higher thought
processes or as a potentially valuable personal experience, the
LSD-induced state is intriguing because it meshes with the
zeitgeist in the social sciences and with major trends in the
larger culture. There is convincing evidence from a variety of
quarters which supports this contention.
EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THE RETURN OF THE OSTRACIZED
In a recent issue of the American Psychologist, an
incisive paper by a well-known research psychologist is entitled,
"Imagery: The Return of the Ostracized" (Holt, 1964).
After examining the traditional scientific and cultural
resistances to such phenomena as pseudohallucinations, hypnogogic
and dream images, extrasensory perception, and hypnosis, the
author goes on to describe the current status in these fields.
Echoing Hebb's manifesto as president of the American
Psychological Association (1960), he points to a number of recent
breakthroughs in a variety of research areas which signal the
second phase of a psychological revolution. The first phase,
covering the first half of the century, was characterized by the
scientific extremism of psychoanalysis and behaviorism; movements
which purged psychology of the unique and the private. While both
psychoanalysis and behaviorism in their orthodox forms have made
valuable contributions to our understanding of man, it seems
evident now that these orientations can no longer exclude altered
states of consciousness and novel perceptual experiences from the
primary subject-matter of a normal psychology.
Significantly, some of the leading exponents of both theories
such as B. F. Skinner (1963) and H. Hartmann (1958) have
recognized these omissions and indicated a need for revision.
Consistent with theoretical developments, behavioristic research
shows an increasing concern with internal processes including
sensations, images, and cognitions (London & Rosenhan, 1964).
Similarly, psychoanalytic studies focus more on normal or
superior functioning and less on pathology (Frosch & Ross,
1960). These trends are not surprising since some of the most
exciting developments during the past decade have occurred in
experimental work with dream activity, sensory deprivation,
creativity, hypnosis, and the psychedelic drugs. Viewing this
rich array of research activity as occurring within a broader
cultural context, one convergent finding seems of major
significance; namely, that richness of imagination and so-called
regressive experiences are not the exclusive privilege of madmen
and artists. Instead, this work indicates quite conclusively that
under favorable circumstances, most people can greatly expand
their experiential horizons without sacrificing effectiveness in
dealing with conventional reality.
The significant parallels among relatively independent lines
of investigation are most striking. First it should be noted that
each of these phenomenon (psychedelic, dreams, creativity,
sensory isolation, and hypnosis) have traditionally been
associated with the negative, bizarre, and abnormal. Until
recently dreams and hypnosis have generally been linked with
magic and the occult. Similarly, "hallucinogenic" drug
states, sensory confinement, and inordinate creativeness have
strong historical associations with defective character and
insanity. As a result, these classes of experience have typically
been treated as isolated phenomena, discontinuous with other
psychological processes and inexplicable in terms of known
principles.
Although presently accepted as legitimate areas of study, the
tainted heritage of novel experiences has continued to exert
strong influence. For example, recent findings indicate that the
main features of creativity and the necessary conditions for its
development run counter to prevailing ideologies (Getzels &
Jackson, 1962; Gruen, 1964). Similar cultural and professional
resistances have been documented regarding the psychedelic drugs
with particular reference to their presumed
"psychotomimetic" properties (Savage & Stolaroff,
1965). The same biases have been noted in perceptual isolation
research. In their recent critique, Arnhoff and Leon (1964)
conclude that most studies of sensory deprivation effects have
grossly misapplied the concepts and terms of pathology. In much
the same vein, Shor's (1960, p. 162) work on
"hypnotic-like" experiences in normal subjects
indicates that:
In our culture naturally-occurring hypnotic-like
experiences tend to be regarded with some misgivings if not
as outright pathology. Consequently they are little talked
about, but this does not mean that they occur with less
frequency or profundity than in cultures where they are
encouraged or institutionalized. In many cultures such
experiences are seen as a vital source of creative
inspiration and gratification.
A second significant parallel concerns the remarkable
subjective and behavioral similarities of these experiences.
Consistent findings in research on hypnotic, psychedelic, and
dream states, certain phases of the creative process, as well as
sensory and dream deprivation indicate an almost complete overlap
of major effects. Reported communalities include significant
alterations in perception, dominance of sensation and imagery
over verbal-associative thinking, relaxed ego boundaries, changes
in bodily feelings, and the suspension of conventional
reality—orientation to space, time, and self.
Theoretical accounts of these psychological changes have also
run parallel. Whether self-induced or situationally induced by
means of fatigue, drugs, or some form of stress, such states have
typically been viewed as regressive, infantile, or primitive,
indicating sudden loss of ego control and the eruption of
unconscious forces. Until very recently, the effects have been
interpreted as disturbing, incapacitating, quasipsychotic,
dissociative, or depersonalizing. Consistent with these
interpretations, persons prone to altered states of awareness
have generally been described as poorly adjusted, suggestible,
irrational, passive, and low in ego strength. (2)
Perhaps the most important parallel concerns the current
status and direction of research in these areas. At the present
time, work in each area reveals a discernible shift away from
investigating the condition or phenomenon per se, focusing
instead on the situation-and subject-determined variables. This
significant turning point calls attention to the key importance
of the psycho-social context in which these experiences are
inextricably embedded. Related to this new research strategy,
recent findings and shifts in theorizing about altered states of
consciousness have taken a more positive turn.
As a case in point, the aftereffects of dream deprivation,
both positive and negative, vary widely across subjects. Dement
(1960) found that "the kinds of alterations represent
extensions or revelations of tendencies native to the individual
personality" and that their form, degree, and dynamic
meaning were influenced by the setting and by interpersonal
transactions. With regard to hypnotic susceptibility, Barber
(1964) has established the central importance of attitudinal and
motivational variables. Similarly, recent findings indicate that
the nature and intensity of hypnotic experiences are strongly
influenced by the sociopsychological milieu, particularly the
mutual expectancies of subject and experimenter (Sarbin &
Lim, 1963).
The same trends are found in sensory deprivation research.
Considerable evidence has accumulated indicating that greatly
reduced sensory input can impair or facilitate mental functioning
depending on the particular interaction of set, setting, and
personality (Brownfield, 1964). For example, Leiderman (1964)
found that "with the element of fear removed, the imagery of
sensory deprivation becomes like the imagery of daydreams, quite
familiar and usually not anxiety-producing." Interestingly,
sensory deprivation is reportedly therapeutic for some patients
(Zuckerman, 1964). The direction of thinking in this area is
perhaps best summed up by Suedfeld (1964). Noting that some
experimentally isolated subjects reveal striking creativity in
solving problems, he poses the question, "What would happen
if creative behavior were externally reinforced by the
experimenter?"
Turning to the psychedelics, it has become apparent that
adverse psychological or behavioral effects are not
drug-specific. More generally, the nature, intensity, and content
of the experience are the result of complex transactions between
the subject's past history and personality, the set and
expectancies of both subject and administrator, and the physical
and psychological setting in which the experience takes place
(see e.g., Unger, 1964a). As in the case of related phenomena,
most of these determinants of response to LSD can be
intentionally arranged and manipulated so as to foster either a
propitious or a stressful experience. In the search for
relatively invariant or "drug-specific" reactions much
of the research until recently has failed to assess, control, or
systematically vary relevant non-drug variables.
Laboratory studies of behavioral effects during the
LSD-induced state have been particularly insensitive to
situation-and subject-determined variables. Changes in
performance levels on a wide variety of tasks have been
extensively investigated with inconclusive results. Instrumental
learning has been found to be impaired (Krus et al., 1963),
enhanced (Rosenbaum et al., 1959), and unchanged (Kornetsky,
1957). Both impairment and enhancement of color perception have
been reported (Wapner & Krus, 1960; Hartman & Hollister,
1963). Similarly, studies of the effects of LSD on recall and
recognition, discrimination learning, concentration, symbolic
thinking, and perceptual accuracy have yielded contradictory
results (see e.g., Trouton & Eyesenck, 1961). It is perhaps
significant that most of the laboratory research has used the
drug as a stressor with the intention of simulating
psychotic-like performance-impairment (psychotomimetic
orientation). In contrast, well over three hundred clinical
studies on the therapeutic effectiveness of LSD have reported
almost uniformly positive results (Hoffer, 1965; Mogar, 1965a).
This more recent line of investigation views the drug as a
liberator which facilitates accurate perception, self-insight,
and performance-enhancement (psychedelic orientation). Consistent
with their objectives and positive findings, clinical studies
have generally (a) optimized the context of the drug experience
and (b) been particularly attentive to individual differences in
personality and set.
A number of studies have demonstrated that personality
differences are as important as preparation and setting in
determining response to LSD. In a study of immediate and
long-term effects of the psychedelic experience, Mogar and Savage
(1964) found that post-LSD changes were related to personality
styles and modal defense patterns. The results indicated that
subjects with a well-defined but flexible self structure
responded most favorably to the drug, while those with either
under-developed or overly-rigid ego defenses responded less
favorably. Similar differential findings have been obtained
recently in work with sensory deprivation and hypnosis. For
example, both neuroticism and "field-dependence"
correlate significantly with disturbing, stressful reactions to
sensory deprivation (Zuckerman & Cohen, 1964). Other
isolation studies have found positive relationships between
"field-independence" and performance-enhancement
(Brownfield, 1964), and between "self-actualizing
maturity" and enjoyment of sensory deprivation (Blazer,
1963). Particularly relevant to the psychedelics is the finding
that positive visual imagery during isolation correlates highly
with (a) intellectual flexibility, breadth, and richness, (b)
acceptance of one's passive, feminine side, and (c) freedom from
emotional disturbance and constriction (Holt & Goldberger,
1961).
Comparable results in research on individual differences in
hypnotic susceptibility have seriously undermined long-standing
interpretations. Specifically, a host of studies recently found
that hypnotic susceptibility was negatively correlated with
neuroticism and placebo-responsiveness, and positively correlated
with emotional stability (Bentler et al., 1963; Lang &
Lazovik, 1962). Although generally unrelated to specific
personality attributes in normal subjects, independent work by
Shor et al. (1962) and As (1963) indicate a consistently high
relationship between hypnotizability and the frequency of naturally
occurring altered states, particularly ecstatic and peak
experiences. The range of personal history experiences
inventoried in these studies were characterized by constructive
use of regression, tolerance for logical paradoxes, willingness
to relinquish ego control, and the ability to suspend disbelief
or adopt an "as if" attitude. It is worth noting that
these correlates of hypnotic susceptibility are also associated
with propitious psychedelic states, certain aspects of
creativity, and self-actualization. (3)
Current findings and theorizing in the various areas
considered here can be summarized briefly.. Whether self-induced,
stress-induced, or drug-induced, altered states of consciousness
will be welcomed and valuable rather than feared and harmful to
the degree that the sociopsychological demands of such
experiences are congenial to the "kinetic" needs and
values of a given individual. Based on an analysis of imagery in
Rorschach responses, Holt and Havel (1960, p.311) reach a similar
conclusion:
We find primary process thinking in conscious subjects
either out of strength or out of weakness. In the former
case, it is more likely to appear in a playful or esthetic
frame of reference, accompanied by pleasant affect. If, on
the other hand, primary thinking breaks through the usual
defenses uninvited and unwanted, the subject may feel anxious
or threatened and is likely to act defensively.
This view is consistent with recent developments in
personality theory, particularly the current emphasis on latent
creative potential and self-actualizing tendencies.
Representative of this trend, the opposing dualisms in
psychoanalytic theory have undergone major revision so as to
include regression in the service of the ego and creative fusions
of primary and secondary process thinking (Hilgard, 1962). In a
similar vein, Maddi (1963, p. 193) refers to the id as "the
breeding ground of love and worship, as well as of the novel
imaginations which are eventually applauded, instituted, and
cherished by society." Stated simply, recent theoretical
innovations recognize that greater access to unconscious
resources is a cardinal feature of psychedelic, creative, and
other novel perceptual experiences, as well as psychosis. And
that in contrast to hallucinatory states, creative or revelatory
experiences involve a temporary and voluntary
breaking up of perceptual constancies, permitting one "to
shake free from dead literalism, to re-combine the old familiar
elements into new, imaginative, amusing, or beautiful
patterns" (Holt & Havel, 1960, p. 304).
PSYCHEDELIC EXPERIENCES AND CONTEMPORARY PSYCHOTHERAPY
Consistent with the scene in experimental psychology, a
similar trend away from viewing psychedelic phenomena as
undesirable or pathological is also apparent in clinical
psychology and psychiatry. A growing recognition of the potential
value of psychedelic experiences is especially discernible in
contemporary psychotherapy. Recent theorizing in psychotherapy
reveals an increasing awareness of the restraints imposed by
conventional modes of thought and perception. As suggested
earlier, current developments in psychoanalytic theory correct
the previous over-emphasis on maintaining impulse-control and a
sharp distinction between self and non-self. Instead, present
formulations recognize the relative flatness of consensual
reality as well as the creative potential of novel thoughts and
impulses. Representative of this trend, the conditions of mental
health proposed by Heinz Hartmann (1958) include the ability to
"deautomatize" stereotyped perceptions and the ability
to maintain fluid subject-object boundaries. It is noteworthy
that similar attributes have been found to characterize highly
self-actualized persons. More significantly, a number of studies
have found that novel states of awareness including loss of
distinction between self and non-self, transcendental or peak
experiences, and oceanic feeling states are fairly common in the
normal college population (As, 1962b; Shor, 1960). Furthermore,
there has been a greater willingness in recent years to
acknowledge and report such experiences without apology or
embarrassment.
These conceptual revisions and empirical findings also call
attention to the well-documented shortcomings of orthodox
therapies and the critical need for more effective techniques. In
a recent critique of the status of psychotherapy, Colby (1964)
concludes that our current paradigms have demonstrably failed and
urges a major transition from ordinary to extraordinary
innovation. Certainly many therapists readily acknowledge what
Colby calls an impending crisis. However, Astin (196I) notes that
"the principle of functional autonomy will permit
psychotherapy to survive long after it has outlived its
usefulness." A similar view is expressed by Korn (1964,p.38)
after examining previous reactions to new methods of treating
psychopathology.
It is notorious that virtually no nostrum has ever been
abandoned merely because it failed to work. The old method
had always to be overthrown by the new—and it is also
notorious that the practitioners of the traditional way will
attempt to prevent even the first trial of the method on the
strange grounds that it has never been tried and
proven—a criterion not applied in their own case.
Despite the reluctance to abandon the old and embrace the
new, disillusionment with traditional techniques finds expression
in the current upsurge of interest among therapists of all persuasions
in Zen Buddhism (Maupin, 1962), existentialism (Lyons, 1961), and
transcendental or peak experiences (Maslow, 1962). Also
indicative of present developments is the host of studies
establishing personal and cultural belief systems as key
variables in psychotherapy. The representative work of
Hollingshead and Redlich (1958) demonstrated a significant
relationship between social class, incidence and type of mental
illness, and the form of treatment received. The relationships
found were remarkably consistent with middle-class American
values. Numerous studies have indicated that improvement in
therapy involves a basic change in the patient's core belief
system, that therapists' values influence both the process and
outcome of therapy, and that in "successful" outcomes,
the patient's value orientation changes in the direction of the
therapist's (see, e.g., London, 1964; Schofield, 1964).
These trends are relevant to what is perhaps the major issue
in psychotherapy today, namely, the search for positive criteria
of mental health or personal growth which are explicitly based on
humanistic values. It is now generally recognized that
psychological health or self fulfillment involves more than the
absence of illness or emotional disturbance. These developments
in mental health concepts have paralleled the recent discovery
that most recipients of psychotherapy are not suffering from the
traditional forms of neurosis and character disorder. While
certainly self-dissatisfied and unfulfilled, the person seeking
therapy today is generally not unproductive, ineffective, or
crippled with neurotic symptoms. Many writers have described the
typical therapy patient as one who is relatively free of physical
complaints, neurotic anxiety and depression, failures of
achievement, and interpersonal conflicts (Strupp, 1963). In
short, the hallmarks of emotional disorder are conspicuously
absent. Rather, the central struggle for an increasing number of
successful and relatively well-adjusted people seems to be
"a loss of meaning in life, an absence of purpose, or a
failure of faith" (Schofield, 1964). Modern discontent tends
to take the form of alienation. In William Barrett's terms,
alienation from God, from nature, from the human community, and
ultimately, alienation from self (1958). While recognizing that
the person with problems in personal identity and life outlook
deserves help, some investigators have concluded that the
psychotherapist is ill-equipped for such a priestly task
(Wheelis, 1958). This belief is somewhat substantiated by the
disappointment which many patients of this type experience in
psychotherapy. Yet a dearth of alternative resources seem open to
the person in this predicament.
In the light then of what seems to be an incompatibility
between psychotherapy, as traditionally conceived, on the one
hand, and the nature of modern discontent, on the other, it is
certainly less than a coincidence that many people who fit this
description express an interest in the psychedelic experience and
find their way to LSD. It should perhaps be emphasized that the
only sentiment these people share with the stereotyped beatnik is
a sense of alienation from traditional values.
The attitudes and reactions to LSD, both positive and
negative, become more understandable when viewed against this
background of present-day trends in psychology and psychiatry.
Within this broader context, it is not surprising that the major
application of LSD today is to treat mental illness rather than produce
it. Beyond this shift in emphasis, the use of LSD for therapeutic
purposes clearly reflects the ambivalence among therapists toward
the ever-growing number of meaning-and identity-seekers who
request their services. The research and clinical literature
concerning LSD as a therapeutic agent reveals two major
viewpoints which seem representative of this ambivalence. These
two orientations are associated with greatly dissimilar methods
of administration. One emphasizes the use of LSD periodically and
in small doses as an adjunct to traditional techniques of
psychotherapy (Crockett et al., 1963). The other major approach
employs LSD in a single, large dose, producing an intense and
prolonged psychedelic experience. Applied in this manner, LSD
serves as a catalyst for inducing rapid and profound changes in
the subject's value-belief system and in his self-image (Sherwood
et al., 1962). While recognizing the therapeutic benefits of LSD,
this latter technique places greater emphasis on its more unique
potentialities and value, namely, as a means of facilitating
personal growth and self-actualization. Rather than freedom from
emotional symptoms, the primary objective of the psychedelic
experience becomes a major reorganization of one's beliefs and
life outlook. In short, the first method is essentially
illness-oriented, the second, health or growth-oriented.
When employed as an adjunct to psychotherapy, most
investigators have associated the beneficial effects of LSD with
reduced defensiveness, the reliving of early childhood
experiences, increased access to unconscious material, and
greater emotional expression. In contrast, when used as a primary
vehicle for rapid personality change, emphasis is usually placed
on the transcendental quality of the experience, the resynthesis
of basic values and beliefs, and major changes in the
relationship between self and environment.
With regard to effectiveness, both orientations have reported
impressive results. Since over three hundred studies have been
reported, only the most salient and consistent findings will be
summarized. (4)
Despite great diversity in the conduct of these studies, high
improvement rates have been almost uniformly reported, with both
adults and children, and in group as well as individual
psychotherapy. Used either as an adjunct or as a primary
treatment method, LSD has been found to facilitate improvement in
patients covering the complete spectrum of neurotic,
psychosomatic, and character disorders. Particularly noteworthy
are the positive results obtained with cases highly resistant to
conventional forms of therapy. High remission rates among
alcoholics, for example, have frequently been reported following
a single, large dose LSD session. Based on their findings with
over one thousand alcoholics, Hoffer and his co-workers concluded
that LSD was twice as effective as any other treatment program
(1965). Other chronic conditions carrying a poor prognosis which
have responded favorably to psychedelic therapy include sexual
deviations, criminal psychopathy, autism in children, and
adolescent behavior disorders.
Since most reports have been based on clinical judgments of
unknown reliability, it is worth noting that comparable results
have been obtained by investigators in many other countries.
Furthermore, Freudian therapists, Jungians, behaviorists,
existentialists, and a variety of eclectic therapists have
reported positive findings with LSD. It seems safe to conclude
from the breadth and consistency of the clinical evidence that
LSD can produce far-reaching beneficial effects in some people,
under some conditions. However, controlled studies of the process
variables involved have yet to be conducted. Specifically, in
what particular ways do various kinds of people respond to LSD,
both during the experience and afterward? What are the optimal
conditions of preparation, administration, and follow-up for
given objectives, and for given subjects? How can we account for
the various kinds and extent of change which follow an LSD
experience? In short, despite the mass of accumulated data on the
outcome of psychedelic therapy, relationships among process
variables remain obscure.
Primarily because of the controversy surrounding these
chemical agents (which interestingly is confined to the United
States), controlled research aimed at maximizing their safety,
their effectiveness, and their human value has barely begun. In
addition to questions concerning the possible uses of LSD as a
therapeutic or educative device, its potential value as a basic
research tool for investigating higher mental processes has also
been minimally explored. Although clinical evidence and
testimonial reports indicate that LSD promises to be a valuable
tool for both the study and enhancement of cognitive and
perceptual functioning, such claims have been neither supported
nor refuted by means of controlled studies. Other hypotheses
readily testable include the suggested similarities noted earlier
between psychedelic, hypnotic, and dream states, the
inspirational phase of creativity, as well as sensory and dream
deprivation experiences.
PSYCHEDELIC, NADIR, AND PEAK EXPERIENCES
The nature, extent, and duration of effects both during and
subsequent to the LSD-induced state has been a major focus of
study in the psychedelic research program conducted at the
International Foundation for Advanced Study, Menlo Park,
California. Over a three-year period, extensive assessments were
obtained on almost four hundred subjects before, during, and at
various points following a psychedelic experience. Each subject
underwent a single, large dose LSD session conducted in a
comfortable, aesthetically pleasing setting. Although trained
staff members were present throughout the session day, primarily
for emotional support and human contact, no attempt was made to
direct or interpret the experience. Rather, the subject was urged
to explore himself and his universe without external guidance or
intrusion. Prior to the LSD experience, each subject was given a
physical and psychiatric examination followed by a series of
preparatory interviews. These interviews were designed to help
the individual examine or reexamine his reasons for taking LSD,
to clarify whatever problems or questions he wished to explore,
and to become accustomed extensive follow-up evaluations were
made covering a minimum of six months.
The design of this research program was based on the
assumption that significant changes would occur along three major
dimensions; values and beliefs, personality, and actual behavior
in major life areas. More specifically, it was hypothesized that
a profound psychedelic experience tends to be followed by a major
reorientation of one's value system and life outlook. It was
further hypothesized that this change in basic beliefs would in
terms be followed by slower alterations in personality as
well as changes in modal behavior patterns.
The findings so far provide considerable support for the
general hypothesis concerning parallel changes in values,
personality, and behavior (Mogar and Savage, 1964; Savage et al.,
1965a; Savage et al., 1965b). Three days following the LSD
session, a consistent and reliable increase was found in the
extent to which an individual agrees with test items reflecting a
deep sense of meaning and purpose in life, open-mindedness,
greater aesthetic sensitivity, and sense of unity or oneness with
nature and humanity. Decreases were found on values pertaining to
material possessions, social status, and dogmatism. Also
significant was the finding that changes in personal beliefs
either remained constant or became still more prominent at later
follow-ups. These were consistent results cutting across such
factors as age, sex, religious orientation, or personality type.
Thus, it seems safe to conclude that a rapid and extensive change
in values does tend to occur in most subjects, and importantly,
is maintained over time.
The additional hypothesis that slower modifications in
personality and behavior would occur has also received
considerable support. For example, the data show that if a person
values human brotherhood more after his psychedelic experience,
his personality and behavior reflect this new conviction. He
tends to be less distrustful and guarded with others, warmer and
more spontaneous in expressing emotion, and less prone to
feelings of personal inadequacy. With regard to modal behavior
patterns, parallel changes tend to occur in such areas as marital
relations and work effectiveness (Savage et al., 1965a).
Although the overall results indicate that almost all
subjects derived some degree of benefit along the lines
hypothesized, it is important to emphasize that the nature,
extent, and the stability of changes varied considerably.
Specific sources or correlates of this variability included
pre-LSD personality structure, the type of presenting problem,
and variations in the psychedelic experience itself. With regard
to pre-LSD individual differences, subgroups were objectively
defined according to (a) personality structure (anxiety
neurotics, borderline psychotics, nonconforming normals,
manic-impulsives, and normal depressives), and (b) major defense
pattern (hysterical, intellectual-compulsive). Despite the
brevity of the LSD program, all subgroups displayed positive
personality changes at two and six months following the
psychedelic experience. The nature and extent of improvement
compared most favorably with longer-term orthodox therapies
(Mogar & Savage, 1964).
Although each subgroup maintained significant improvement,
subjects varied considerably in their capacity to translate
profound insights into attitudes, feelings, and conduct.
Individual differences were particularly apparent at six months
since by this time a leveling off had generally occurred, that
is, most subjects had in large part come to terms with their
rapidly altered self-world image. For six months habitual
patterns of response to situations had been scrutinized and
repeatedly challenged. Dissonance between thought, feeling, and
action had generally been reconciled and a higher level of
integration achieved At six months some individuals maintained
and consolidated the gains demonstrated at two months
(Nonconforming Normals, Manic-Impulsives, Normal Depressives).
Others displayed further personal growth which was still in
progress (Anxiety Neurotics, Intellectual-Compulsives). Still
others showed a tendency to regress from the level of improvement
indicated at two months (Borderline Psychotics, Hysterics). In
these subjects, either the pull of well-entrenched maladaptive
defenses and/or an uncongenial life environment undermined to
some extent the favorable personality alterations demonstrated
earlier.
With regard to the nature of changes characterizing different
personality types, shifts tended to occur consistent with the
symptoms and defense pattern of a given group. Anxiety neurotics
were less anxious, compulsive, and withdrawn while close
relationships were more gratifying. In contrast, impulsive,
hyperactive subjects led a more orderly, less hectic existence
and displayed greater impulse control.
The "illness-oriented" nature of these findings
reflects the fact that two-thirds of the total sample resembled
the typical case load of an outpatient psychiatric clinic. The
remaining one-third did not present complaints of a psychiatric
nature and revealed minimal emotional disturbance according to
both diagnostic evaluation and psychological test data. Instead,
the interest expressed by these subjects seemed to be
"growth-motivated" rather than
"deficiency-motivated." Some were dimly aware of
potentialities which they hoped to activate and develop more
fully. Others expressed a feeling of emptiness and lack of
meaningful purpose while adequately meeting the exigencies of
life. Still others sought a deeper understanding or more
satisfying resolutions to problems of an existential nature.
As a result of their stable life circumstances and relative
freedom from neurotic disturbance, these subjects were more
likely to grapple with ultimate problems during the LSD
experience. In addition to self-identity and personal worth,
questions of love, death, creation and rebirth, and the
resolution of life paradoxes received frequent attention. Unlike
the neurotic group, childhood memories, intrapsychic conflicts,
and specific interpersonal relations were explored minimally.
Accounts of the experience written shortly afterward revealed
that healthier subjects were less likely to view the psychedelic
state as fantastic or totally dissimilar from previous
experience. These personal reports together with clinical
evaluations and ratings also indicated that this group benefited
considerably from the psychedelic experience along the lines of
self-actualization, richer creative experience, and enhancement
of specific aptitudes and talents. At the present time, these
tentative findings are being investigated more objectively with
measures appropriate for a normal sample. Thus it will be
possible to compare individuals, differing in personality and
presenting problems, with regard to health-growth dimensions as
well as decreases in pathology.
Since most subjects in this series of studies were college
trained and psychologically sophisticated, it is noteworthy that
the frequency of occurrence of transcendental-like experiences is
apparently as great in "naive" prisoners and alcoholics
(Unger, 1964a). Such communalities are not surprising in view of
the key role placed by universal and personal symbolism in
psychedelic experiences and the relatively weak role of the
conscious self (including verbal facility, accumulated knowledge,
and intelligence). What seems to be affected by
subject-differences is the content of the experience, rather than
its form, intensity, or profundity.
Differences in the thematic content of the experience were
found among subjects with diverse cultural backgrounds. For
example, wide individual differences were demonstrated with
respect to content in the frequent experience of unity. However,
the fact that the majority of subjects experienced a sense of
unity or oneness seems far more significant than whether the
unity was felt with self, nature, the universe, God, or some
combination of these. This is merely another way of saying that
to the degree an individual can verbalize the experience, he will
draw on his own particular semantic framework and belief system.
One can only speculate on the discrepancy between this
communicated account of the experience and the experience itself.
These findings suggest that the profundity or intensity of a
psychedelic experience is more crucially related to subsequent
change than thematic content. More specifically, the hypothesis
currently being tested is that subsequent transformations in
values, personality, and conduct are a function of the
experience's intensity, either positive or negative-or both. In
other words, painful experiences can be as personally revealing
and permanently beneficial as experiences of great joy and
beauty.
The hypothesis that a profound and intense psychedelic
experience, regardless of its emotional valence, can serve as a
catalyst for rapid personal growth is consistent with current
interpretations of both nadir and peak experiences. Concerning
nadir experiences, Erikson's brilliant analysis of the
post-adolescent identity crisis (1959) has recently been extended
to include periodic "crisis of maturation" (Kahn,
1963), naturally occurring "desolation experiences"
(Laski, 1961), and the therapeutic value of "existential
crises" (Bugental, 1965). In each case, these writers
emphasize that although negative and painful, a personal crisis
is: (a) not pathological, (b) a critical choice point in life
necessitating a "leap of faith," (c) an essential
condition of growth and psychological change, and (d) often a
catalyst for an emerging inner conviction or new awareness. The
potential value of nadir experiences has been well-stated by
Forer (1963, p.280): "Crisis as a psychological experience
is a part of any creative effort, scientific, artistic,
therapeutic, or inter-personal."
With regard to positive revelatory experiences, Maslow
recently developed the thesis that experiences referred to as
religious, mystical, or transcendental actually denote special
cases of the more generic "core-religious" or peak
experience, described as the hallmark of highly self-actualized
people (Maslow, 1964). Similarly, the extensive research on
creativity by MacKinnon and his associates indicates that the
truly creative person is distinguished from the noncreative
individual by his capacity for "transliminal
experience" (MacKinnon, 1964). Following Harold Rugg's study
of creative imagination, the transliminal experience is
characterized by an illuminating flash of insight occurring at a
critical threshold of the conscious-unconscious continuum.
MacKinnon's description of the transliminal experience bears a
striking resemblance to the more inclusive peak experience.
Interestingly, Maslow (1964) suggests that psychedelic drugs may
offer a means of producing a controlled peak experience under
observation, particularly in "non-peakers."
Although tentative at this point, these lines of
investigation seem highly significant and certainly suggestive of
future directions in LSD research. And if the historical
perspective described earlier is relatively accurate, the
exploration of ways of expanding human consciousness will soon
occupy a prominent position in the mainstream of contemporary
psychology. Should this prediction materialize, we can look
forward to a far more extensive application of these powerful
agents as a means of facilitating social as well as individual
potentialities. For the present, research with the psychedelics
will continue to seek those conditions which maximize their
safety, their effectiveness, and their human value.
Footnotes
(1) See Rene Dubos' excellent account
of "Humanistic Biology" (1965). Similar trends in
contemporary fiction, poetry, and drama have been summarized by
Mogar (1964). (back)
(2) The comparable effects and
interpretations described here are well documented in the
research literature. Representative and recent reports may be
found in Barron (1963) on creativity, Zuckerman (1964) on sensory
deprivation, Cohen (1964) on psychedelic states, Weitzenhoffer
(1963) on hypnosis, and Dement (1960) on dream deprivation. (back)
(3) The extensive research by
Theodore R. Sarbin and his co-workers indicates that the same
"as-if" dimension is central to both acting and
hypnosis. The as-if attitude prominent in hypnotic states is
viewed as analogous to the "creative-if" proposed by
Stanislavsky as the very essence of acting talent (Sarbin &
Lirn, 1963). (back)
(4) For more detailed and referenced
critiques of the extensive applications of LSD as a therapeutic
agent, see the reviews compiled by Hoffer (1965), Mogar ( 1965b),
and Unger (1964b). (back)